Scottish independence (Scotland: Scots undheldom Scots Scottish Gender: Neo- eisimeileachd na h-Alba ) is the political objective of various political parties, advocacy groups, and individuals in Scotland (which is the State of the United Kingdom) for the state to become an independent sovereign state.
A national referendum was held in Scotland on September 18, 2014. Voters were asked to answer "Yes" or "No" to the question: "Should Scotland become an independent state?" 55.3% of voters answered "No" and 44.7% answered "Yes", with voter turnout 84.5%.
Video Scottish independence
History
The Kingdom of Scotland
Scotland emerged as a free government during the Early Middle Ages, with several historians dating from the reign of Kenneth MacAlpin in 843. The degree of independence of the Scottish kingdom was contested by Scottish kings and by Norman and Angevin the British rulers who petitioned the Pope and foreign rulers others. The popular myth in British folklore is that Britain was founded by Brutus of Troy, who had left England to his eldest son Locrinus and Scotland to his youngest son, Albanactus. Scots have denied this and founded their own popular myth, which Scotland had founded earlier, by the Greek prince GoÃÆ'del Glas and his wife, Scota, the daughter of Pharaoh. According to legend, Scota brought the Stone of Destiny from Egypt to Scotland.
The watershed in the history of the Scottish kingdom was a succession crisis that erupted in 1290 where Edward I of England claimed the right of succession to the Scottish throne. The Scottish and French Auld Alliance against British interests was first called at this time and remained active until the 1500s. The War of Independence of Scotland ended in a new kingdom under Robert the Bruce (crowned as 1306), whose grandson Robert II of Scotland was the first Scottish king of the Stuart Family.
Union
From 1603, Scotland and England shared the same king in personal union when James VI of Scotland was declared the King of England and Ireland in what is known as the Crown Unity. After James VII of Scotland (II of England) was overthrown in 1688 amidst Protestant Catholic strife, and as Stuarts Protestant line showed signs of failure (as happened in 1714), the British feared that Scotland would choose a different king, potentially causing conflict in Great Britain, and the bankruptcy of many Scottish nobles through the Darien scheme led to the official unification of the two kingdoms in 1707, with the Unity Agreement and subsequently the Acts of Union, to form the United Kingdom. The Scottish Jacobite resistance to the unions, led by the descendants of James VII/II including Bonnie Prince Charlie, continued until 1746.
The United Kingdom and Ireland are formed by the Acts of Union 1800, which unites the Kingdom of Great Britain and the Kingdom of Ireland. 26 southern Irish counties left the Union in 1922, later known as the Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
Home rule movement
The "House of Regulations" movement for the Scottish Assembly was first taken in 1853 by the National Association for Justification of Rights of Scotland, a body close to the Conservative Party. The key element in this movement is the comparison with Ireland. The original movement expanded its political appeal and soon began receiving Liberal Party support. In 1885, the Secretary's position for Scotland and the Scottish Office was re-established to promote Scottish interests and expressed its concern to the British Parliament. However, in 1886, William Ewart Gladstone introduced the Irish House Rules. When many Scots compare what they have with Ireland's offer of House Rules, the status quo is considered inadequate. It was not considered an immediate constitutional priority, especially when the Irish House Rule was defeated in the House of Commons.
Immediately before the First World War, the Liberal Government headed by HH Asquith supported the concept of "Home Rule all round", in which the Scottish home power would follow the proposed Irish house rule in the Irish Government Act 1914. Asquith believes that there is an iniquity in which parts components from the United Kingdom can unite to act together in the same goal, but they can not deal with internal issues that do not require approval in the UK. This is not a nationalist philosophy, but Asquith acts with the conviction that federalism is a "true union base" and that centralized powers in Westminster are "the worst of all political errors". The Scottish House Rules bill was first presented to parliament in 1913, but its progress soon ended when Parliament focused on the emergency measures demanded by the First World War.
Unlike Ireland, who rebelled in Easter Rising and fought in the War of Independence, Scotland was not against the central government. However, there is a constant demand for Scottish home government. The Scottish office was moved to St. Andrew's House in Edinburgh during the 1930s. The Scottish Covenant is a petition to the British government requesting home government. It was first proposed in 1930 by John MacCormick and was officially written in 1949. The petition "was eventually signed by two million people" (the population of Scotland was 5.1 million in the 1951 census). The agreement was ignored by major political parties. Also in 1950, Stone of Destiny was removed from Westminster Abbey by nationalists.
The problem of full independence, or less controversial house rules, did not go back to the political mainstream until 1960, after the famous Wind of Change speech by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. This speech marked the start of rapid decolonization in Africa and the end of the British Empire. Britain has suffered international humiliation against the 1956 Suez Crisis, which shows that it was no longer the superpower before World War II. For many in Scotland, this serves to undermine one of the major raisons d'ÃÆ'ªtre for the British Empire and also symbolizes the end of the popular imperialism and Imperial union that has united the now famous Unionis Party. The Unionist Party then experienced a steady decline in support.
Referendum first devolution, 1979
The National Party of Scotland (SNP) won the seat of Parliament in 1967, when Winnie Ewing was an unexpected winner from Hamilton in the 1967 election. It brought the SNP to national-level prominence, leading to the 1968 Declaration of Perth and Edward Heath and the establishment of the Kilbrandon Commission. The discovery of North Sea oil off the east coast of Scotland in 1970 further strengthened the debate about Scottish independence. The SNP organized a very successful campaign entitled "This is Scottish oil", stressing how the discovery of oil could benefit the struggling deindustrialization economy and its population. In the February 1974 general elections the seven members of the SNP parliament were returned. The Labor Party did not secure an overall majority, and returned to elections in October 1974, when the SNP performed better than they did earlier in the year, winning 11 MPs and earning more than 30% of the total votes in Scotland.
In January 1974, the Conservative government had commissioned a McCrone report, written by Professor Gavin McCrone, a prominent government economist, to report on independent Scottish survival. He concluded that oil would provide an independent Scot as one of the strongest currencies in Europe. The report goes on to say that officials are advising government ministers about how to take "winds out of the SNP screen". Submitted to the Labor administration of entry and classified as confidential due to Labor Fears over the spike in popularity of the Scottish National Party, the document was noticed in 2005, when the SNP obtained a report under the Freedom of Information Act 2000.
The Labor Party under Harold Wilson won the October 1974 election by a very narrow majority of just three seats. After their election to Parliament, SNP MPs urged the formation of the Scottish Assembly: a given point of view added credibility by the conclusions of the Kilbrandon Commission. However, the opponent demanded that a referendum be held on this issue. Although the Labor Party and the Scottish National Party formally support devolution, support split on both parties. Labor is divided between those who support devolution and those who want to maintain the full central Westminster government. In the SNP, there is a division between those who see devolution as a stepping stone toward independence and those who are afraid of reducing that ultimate goal. Harold Wilson's resignation in 1976 brought James Callaghan in power, but his small majority was eroded by some electoral losses, and the government became increasingly unpopular. The agreement was made with SNP and Plaid Cymru to hold a referendum on devolution in return for their support, helping to prolong government life.
The results of the referendum in Scotland were a slim majority supporting devolution (52% to 48%), but the condition of the referendum was that 40% of the total voters had to vote in favor to make it valid. But the number of voters is only 63.6%, so only 32.9% of voters choose "Yes". The Scotland Act 1978 was revoked in March 1979 with a vote of 301-206 in Parliament. After a referendum the supporters of the bill are conducting a protest campaign under the slogan "Scotland says yes". They argue that the 40% rule is undemocratic and that the results of the referendum justify the formation of the assembly. Campaigners for the "No" vote reply that voters have been notified before a referendum that failed to vote as well as "No". It is therefore not correct to conclude that the relatively low number of voters is entirely due to voter apathy.
In protest, the SNP withdrew their support from the government. An unconfident movement was subsequently proposed by the Conservatives and supported by SNP, Liberals and Ulster Unionists. It passed with one vote on 28 March 1979, forcing the May 1979 election, which was won by the Conservatives led by Margaret Thatcher. Prime Minister Callaghan described the SNP's decision to bring down the Labor government as a "turkey election for Christmas". The SNP group was reduced from 11 MPs to 2 in the 1979 general election, while devolution was opposed by the Conservative government led by Thatcher and John Major.
Referendum second devolution, 1997
Proponents of Scottish independence continue to have diverse views of the Home Rule movement which includes many union supporters who desire devolution within the framework of the British Empire. Some see it as a stepping stone toward independence, while others want to go straight to independence.
In the years of Conservative rule after 1979, the Campaign for the Scottish Assembly was established, finally issuing the 1989 Claim Rights. This then led to the Scottish Constitutional Convention. The convention encouraged consensus on devolution on a cross-party basis, even though the Conservative Party refused to cooperate and the Scottish National Party withdrew from discussions when it became clear that the convention did not want to discuss Scottish independence as a constitutional option. The arguments against devolution and the Scottish Parliament, which was leveled mainly by the Conservative Party, were that Parliament would create a "slippery slope" for Scottish independence and provide a pro-independence Scottish National Party with a route to government. John Major, Conservative prime minister before May 1997, campaigned during the 1997 election on the slogan "72 hours to save the union".
The Labor Party won the 1997 general election and Donald Dewar as Secretary of State for Scotland approved a proposal for the Scottish Parliament. The referendum was held in September and 74.3% of those who voted approved the devolution plan (44.87% of voters). The Parliament of Great Britain then approved the Scottish Act of 1998 that created the Scottish Parliament elected with control over most domestic policies. In May 1999, Scotland held its first election for a devolved parliament and in July the Scottish Parliament held a hearing for the first time since the previous parliament had been postponed in 1707. Donald Dewar's Labor Party became Scotland's First Minister, while Scotland's National Party became the main opposition party. With the approval of all parties, the egalitarian song "A Man's A Man for A 'That", by Robert Burns, was made at the opening ceremony of the Scottish Parliament.
The Scottish Parliament is a unicameral legislature consisting of 129 Members, 73 of whom are individual constituencies and elected in the first post-post system; 56 elected in eight different electoral districts by an additional member system, serving for a period of four years. The Queen appointed one Member of the Scottish Parliament, in the nomination of Parliament, to become the First Minister with the convention is that the leader of the party with the largest number of seats appointed as Prime Minister although there are members who can order the confidence of the room can be imagined appointed Prime Minister. All other Ministers are appointed and dismissed by the First Minister and together they form the Scottish Government, the government executive body.
The Scottish Parliament has legislative powers for all unlawful affairs with respect to Scotland, and has limited powers to vary income taxes, dubbed Tartan Tax, a force not practiced yet. The Scottish Parliament may refer things devolved back to Westminster to be considered part of the entire UK legislation by passing the Legislative Consent Motion if Great Britain legislation is considered more appropriate for certain issues. Legislation programs passed by the Scottish Parliament since 1999 have seen a difference in the provision of public services compared to the rest of Britain. For example, university education fees, and maintenance services for free elderly at point of use in Scotland, while fees are paid throughout the UK. Scotland is the first country in the UK to ban smoking in closed public places.
Referendum independence, 2014
In his manifesto for the 2007 Scottish Parliamentary elections, the Scottish National Party (SNP) pledged to hold a referendum for independence in 2010. After winning the election, the Scottish Government controlled SNP published a white paper entitled "Picking the Future of Scotland", which outlined options for the future Scotland, including independence. Scottish workers, Scottish Conservatives and Scottish Liberal Democrats oppose a referendum that offers independence as an option. Then Prime Minister Gordon Brown also openly attacked the independence option. The three major parties opposed to independence instead formed the Commission on the Devolution of Scotland, headed by Kenneth Calman. It reviews devolution and considers all constitutional options apart from independence. In August 2009, the Scottish Government announced that Referendum (Scotland) Bill, 2010, which would detail the question and make possible a referendum on the issue of independence, would be part of the legislative program for 2009-10. The bill is not expected to be ratified, due to the status of the SNP as a minority government and opposition from all other major parties in Parliament. In September 2010, the Scottish Government announced that no referendum would take place before the 2011 election.
SNP won an overall majority in the Scottish Parliament in the election of 2011. First Minister Alex Salmond expressed his desire to hold a referendum "in the second half of parliament", which will place it in 2014 or 2015. In January 2012, the British Government offered to provide the Scottish Parliament with special powers holding a referendum, provided "fair, valid and decisive". Negotiations continued between the two governments through October 2012, when the Edinburgh Agreement was reached. The Scottish Independence Referendum (Franchise) Act 2013 is ratified by the Scottish Parliament on 27 June 2013 and receives the Royal Assent on 7 August 2013. On 15 November 2013, the Scottish Government publishes the Scottish Future , a 670-page paper white laid down case for independence and the ways in which Scotland might become an independent country.
After a protracted period of negotiation, the public debate between Salmond and Better Together leader Alistair Darling was arranged. In the morning before the televised debate, the joint statement promised greater devolutionary power to Scotland in terms of a "no" vote, signed by Prime Minister David Cameron (leader of the Conservative Party), Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg (leader of the Liberal Democrats) and Labor leader Ed Miliband.
The BBC website announces the final result of the referendum at 06:24 on September 19, 2014, where the vote "No" wins with 55% (2,001,926) votes from the overall voter turnout of 84.5%. Officer Mary Pitcaithly counts the head: "It is clear that the majority of people who voted for voted No to referendum questions." The voice "Yes" receives 45% (1,617,989) support - the total required win is 1,852,828. The results were compiled from 32 council areas, with the support of Glasgow independence - voting 53.5% "Yes" to 46.5% "No" (voters in the area 75%) - and Edinburgh voting against independence of 61% to 39% votes in the area is 84%). Darling states in a post-production speech, "The silent has spoken", while Salmond states, "I accept the verdict of the people, and I call all Scots to follow him in accepting the democratic verdict".
UK Withdrawal from the European Union
Prominent figures supporting Scottish independence have suggested that after the British vote to leave the EU while Scotland chose to remain in the EU, a second Scottish independence referendum should be precipitated. During the June 23, 2016 Brexit vote, 62% of Scottish voters voted to remain (38% of voters chose to leave the EU). Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon said he saw all the options to "secure our place in the EU", and that the second referendum was "very likely". A spokesman for British Prime Minister Theresa May said that "The prime minister and the government do not believe that there is a mandate for [a second referendum]." There was one just two years ago There was a very high turnout and there was a resounding outcome in favor of Scotland left in English ".
Maps Scottish independence
Legality and legitimacy
The British parliament maintains parliamentary sovereignty over the British Empire as a whole. This claim is supported by Lord Bingham of Cornhill at Jackson v. Attorney General who argues that then [in 1911], as now, the Crown in Parliament is not limited by a deep-rooted or codified constitution. It can create or annul the laws it wants "and by the Supreme Court at AXA General Insurance Ltd. and others v HM Advocate and others Vice President, Lord Hope of Craighead, states that" Crown sovereignty in Parliament... is the foundation of the British constitution. Sovereignty remains with the Royal Parliament of England. "However, the application of the principle of parliamentary sovereignty to Scotland has been debated.In MacCormick v The Lord Advocate, Lord of Court of Session President Lord Cooper of Culross declares obey dictated that "the infinite principle of sovereignty of Parliament is a typical English principle that has no equivalent in Scottish Constitutional Law." It has been argued that the doctrine of popular sovereignty, proclaimed in the Arbroath Declaration 1320, articulated by Scottish political thinkers such as George Buchanan and reaffirmed by the 1989 Claim Rights, has greater relevance to Scotland, the 1989 Rights Claim was signed by every Labor MP and the then Liberal Parliament who served in Scotland, with the exception of Tam Dalyell.
The legality of the constituent British state that achieved independence or declared unilateral independence outside the framework of British constitutional conventions is debatable. Under international law, unilateral declarations may fulfill the principle of "declarative state theory", but not "constitutive theory of the state". Some legal opinion after the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada of what steps should Quebec take to secede is that Scotland will not be able to unilaterally declare independence under international law if the British government allows a referendum on unambiguous questions about secession. The SNP does not argue for unilateral action, but claims that a positive vote for independence in the referendum will have "enormous moral and political power... impossible for future [Westminster] governments to ignore", and hence will give the Scottish Government a mandate to negotiate to pass a British Parliament law governing the secession of Scotland, in which Westminster overturns its sovereignty over Scotland.
Some interesting arguments to rule over the higher law. For example, the Charter of the United Nations perpetuates the right of the people to self-determination, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights also guarantees the right of citizens to change citizenship; The UK is a signatory to both documents. Politicians in the Scottish and British parliaments have supported Scottish people's right to self-determination, including former British Prime Minister John Major and Margaret Thatcher. As a referendum of Scottish independence, 2014 adopted by the Order on the Council, approved by both chambers of Parliament, its constitutional legality is undoubted. The Edinburgh Agreement (2012) between the Scottish Parliament and the British Parliament declares that both governments will accept the results of the referendum and will "continue to work together constructively in the light of the outcome, whatever it may be, in the best interests of the Scots and the rest of the United Kingdom ". The agreement grants the Scottish Parliament the legal authority to hold a referendum on independence before the end of 2014.
Support for independence
Political party
Scottish independence is best supported by the Scottish National Party, but other parties also support independence. Other pro-independence parties that have representatives in the Scottish Parliament include Scottish Green Party, Scottish Socialist Party and Solidarity. In the Scottish Parliament 2016 election, 69 of the 129 seats available were won by pro-independence parties (63 SNP and 6 Green Party). The independence movement consists of many factions with various political views. The SNP wants Scotland to guard the monarchy (see private unity) and become an independent Commonwealth domain, similar to Canada or Australia. All other pro-independence parties want Scotland to become an independent republic. The SSP has led the republican protests and wrote the Calton Hill Declaration, calling for an independent republic.
Other organizations
The Independence Convention was formed in 2005, searching for "First, to create a forum for all political persuasion and no one to support independence, and secondly, to become a national catalyst for Scottish independence." First Independence is a pro-referendum pressure group that has organized public demonstrations. The Socialist Movement of the Republic of Scotland is a Pan-Socialist liberation movement that believes that Scotland should be made an independent republic. This movement has a Firebrand socialist ethos, but is not affiliated with the SSP or the Scottish Communist Party. He believed that failure to be independent should lead to mass emigration elsewhere, or as defined as the slogan "Independence or Desertion".
Following the launch of Ya Scotland, other campaigns to support independence were launched, including the National Collective and Radical Independence Campaign. The first is an artist-driven movement that describes itself as "a collaborative open and non-party political talent that focuses on promoting social and political change in Scotland through various arts". It was ultimately responsible for organizing a counterfeit referendum at the University of Glasgow held in February 2013. The latter declared itself to "fight for an independent Scottish who for millions instead of millionaires" and was formed after the Radical Independence Conference 2012 in Glasgow, attended by at least 650 people and has been described as "[unifying] Scottish Green Party, Scottish Socialists, some militant unions, nuclear disarmament activists and anti-monarchist republicans."
During the 2014 referendum campaign, independence drew little support from newspapers. The Sunday Herald is the only publication to support the Yes vote in the referendum. The National , a daily newspaper supporting independence, was launched in November 2014.
Reason
The reasons cited in support of independence include:
- Democracy and national self-determination: the people of Scotland will have full decision-making power in terms of the political affairs of their nation. First Minister Salmond declared in the May 2012 launch that "people living in Scotland are the best places to make decisions that affect Scotland."
- Nuclear disarmament: with control over defense and foreign policy, an independent Scotland can deal with the abolition of Trident nuclear weapons, an issue related to the campaign for independent Scotland, as outlined in the White House House of Commons Defense Committee "Period ahead of Britain's strategic nuclear deterrent: White Book "2006-2007. In the July 2013 article Huffington Post UK , the authors suggest that Ã, Â £ 25 billion spent on "replacement of Trident nuclear weapons replacement" as it could be transferred to education, health and housing. In addition, the Scottish Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament supports independence on this basis.
- "This is Scottish oil": since being used as a very effective slogan by the SNP in the 1970s, this phrase has summarized the argument that only independent Scotland can fully exploit and exploit the financial benefits of its national resources, including oil and North Sea gas, for the benefit of the population. According to the Scottish Government, 64% of EU oil reserves are in Scottish waters, while David Hume Institute states: "Scotland is sitting on oil and gas reserves worth up to  £ 4 trillion. Investment and production from the North Sea oil field fell sharply after Tory Chancellor George Osborne imposed a penalty tax, underestimating projected revenues that could be claimed by an independent Scottish citizen.
- Renewable energy: if independence is achieved, supporters of a new political structure seek to fully exploit Scotland's natural renewable energy resources: 25 percent of Europe's wind energy potential; 25 percent of Europe's tidal energy potential; and 10 percent of Europe's wave energy potential. Salmond claims that this could lead to the "re-industrialization" of Scotland.
- "Cultural revival": groups such as the National Collective, "non-party movements for artists and creative supporters of Scottish independence", believe that the opportunities for independence, and the possibilities created, will unleash a new wave of cultural notions, expressions and confidence in Scotland.
- "Stop the world, Scotland wants to get" (statement by Winnie Ewing, after her victory for SNP in 1967 by Hamilton election): An independent Scotland will be a full and equal member of the United Nations, NATO and EU and many organizations other international. With an autonomous voice in international politics, the Scottish independence campaign believes that the nation's global influence will increase in defending national interests and the promotion of its values. It has been claimed that the number of MPs elected by Scotland will also increase, from six to at least 12. Furthermore, the Scottish embassies will be established globally to promote Scotland internationally, and to lobby other governments on behalf of the nation.
Opposition to independence
Political party
The Conservative Party, the Labor Party and the Liberal Democrats, all of whom have seats in the Scottish Parliament, are opposed to Scottish independence. In 2012 they formed a cross-party Better Together campaign. Others opposing Scottish independence include the British Independence Party (UKIP), the British National Party (BNP), the National Front (NF), the First Britain, the Britannica Party, the Scottish Unionist Party (SUP), the Respect Party and the Ulster trade union parties.
Other organizations
A grassroots campaign called "Scotland in Union" came after the 2014 independence referendum. It has encouraged the anti-SNP tactical elections in general elections and promoted the Society more generally. By the end of 2017, a new group called "Unity UK" was formed. Its supporters say that Unionists should be more supportive of Brexit and be critical of Scotland in the "agnostic" attitude of the Union on this issue.
The Orange Order, a Protestant fraternity with thousands of members in Scotland, campaigned against Scottish independence, and formed a campaign group called British Bersama. In September 2014, there was a march of at least 15,000 Orangemen, bands and loyal supporters from Scotland and throughout the United Kingdom; described as the biggest pro-Union demonstration of the campaign.
Many newspapers in Scotland are also against independence. These include Scottish newspapers The Scotsman , Scotland on Sunday , The Herald , Sunday Post > Daily Mail, Sunday Mail, Scottish Daily Mail , The Scottish Daily Express , Scottish Sunday Express i>; and the UK Daily Telegraph , Sunday Telegraph , The Guardian , The Independent Economist , Financial Times , The Spectator , and The Sunday Times .
Reasons
There is a strong historical and contemporary relationship between Scotland and other parts of Britain from the Reformation and Crown Unity, to Scottish involvement in the growth and development of the British Empire and the contributions of the Scottish Enlightenment and the Industrial Revolution. Contemporary popular culture is also shared, especially through the prevalence of English. Nearly half the population of Scotland has families in England. At the time of the 2011 census, some 700,000 Scottish-born adults live in other parts of the UK, while some 470,000 adults born elsewhere in Britain have moved to live in Scotland. There is also significant economic ties with the Scottish military industrial complex as well as the close relationship in the financial sector.
The reasons cited for maintaining the Union include:
- Strong cultural, economic and family relationships with Britain.
- Scotland is economically stronger as part of the British economy and more capable of developing in the global economy with international influence and perceived stability coming from parts of larger states.
- Scotland's public spending rate will be difficult to sustain after independence without raising taxes. For example, David Maddox, writing for The Scotsman in 2008, shows a decline in North Sea oil revenues in the future. Some, such as Ruth Davidson of the Scottish Conservatives, want to reduce public spending and hand over more fiscal power to the Scottish Parliament to address this issue within the broader framework of the Union.
- Scotland has a greater influence on international affairs and diplomacy, both politically and militarily, as part of NATO, G8 and as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Opponents of further integration of the EU claim that independence, in Europe but beyond the EU three, will mean that Scotland will be more marginalized because, as a relatively small independent state, Scotland will not be able to resist the demands of the larger member states.
- Uncertainty can be brought soon after independence, especially disagreements over how Scotland will be treated in relation to the EU, and unlikely possibilities Britain accepts currency union with independent Scotland. HSBC Chairman Douglas Flint warned in August 2014 about the uncertainty of any independent-Scottish currency, or if Scotland joined the Euro Zone, which could result in capital flight.
- Remote areas such as Orkney, Shetland, and the Western Isles will be harmed or entitled to a larger share of oil revenues.
Public opinion
Many polls were conducted on Scottish independence before the 2014 referendum. Professor John Curtice stated in January 2012 that the vote has shown support for independence between 32% and 38% of the Scottish population. This is somewhat decreased since the first SNP was elected to the Scottish Government in 2007. However, the study also shows that the proportion of the population who strongly opposed independence also declined. Curtice stated in April 2014 that support for independence has increased since December 2013, despite disagreements among voting companies about the real state of public opinion. Opinion polls ahead of the referendum vote indicate the closure of the pause, with one poll giving the Ya campaign a 51-49 lead. In the referendum, Scotland voted against independence with 55.3% to 44.7%, with overall voter 84.5%.
Since the referendum, polls have asked how people will vote in a hypothetical second referendum. The poll has been conducted since six weeks after the referendum. Twenty-five polls were conducted in the year following the referendum, with seventeen of them having "No" as the primary answer, seven having "Yes", and one having the same proportion of respondents for each opinion.
See also
- List of active separatist movements in Europe
- Scottish republicanism
Note
References
Resources and further reading
- Hassan, Gerry (2011). Scottish Radical: Argument for Self-Determination . Luath Press.
- Keating, Michael (2009). Scottish Independence: Self-Government and Political Shift of Unity . Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Keating, Michael (2013). Nationalism, unity and secession in Scotland . Secessionism and Separatism in Europe and Asia: To have your own state . Routledge. pp.Ã, 127-144.
- Marr, Andrew (2013). Battle for Scotland . Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0-241-96793-5.
- Murkens, Jo Eric (2002). Scottish Independence: A Practical Guide . Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 0-7486-1699-3.
- Pittock, Murray (2008). The Road to Independence: Scotland Since the 1960s . Reaktion Book.
External links
- Scottish independence on Curlie (based on DMOZ)
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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