The Communist Party of Vietnam ( CPV ) is the founding and Socialist party of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Since 1988, it is the only legal party in the country. Although nominally by the Vietnam Homeland Front, it maintains a unity government and has centered control of the state, the military and the media. The Supremacy of the Communist Party is guaranteed by Article 4 of the national constitution. The current party leader is Nguy? N PhÃÆ'º Tr? Ng, who holds the position of Secretary General of the Central Committee and Secretary of the Central Military Commission.
The party is known for its advocacy of the so-called "market-oriented socialist economy". The highest CPV institution is the National Congress of the party that elects the Central Committee. Among party congresses, the Central Committee is the highest organ in party affairs. Immediately after the party congress, the Central Committee elects the Politburo and the Secretariat and appoints the First Secretary, the highest office of the party. On the sidelines of the Central Committee, the Politburo is the highest organ of party affairs. However, it can only apply decisions based on policies that have been previously approved by the Central Committee or the Party's National Congress. In 2017, the 12th Politburo consisted of 19 members.
In most cases, the Vietnamese press and people refer to the Vietnamese Communist Party as "ng" or "ta" ("our Party").
Video Communist Party of Vietnam
Histori
Naik ke tampuk (1925-1945)
The Communist Party traces its lineage back to 1925, when H? ChÃÆ' Minh founded the Vietnam Revolutionary Youth League, commonly referred to as Thanh NiÃÆ'ªn. Thanh Niªªn sought to capitalize on patriotism in an attempt to end colonial rule by France. The group seeks political and social objectives - national independence and land redistribution to the working peasants. Thanh NiÃÆ'n was designed to prepare the ground for revolutionary armed struggle against the French occupation.
In 1928 the headquarters of the Thanh NiÃÆ'ªn organization in Canton was forced underground by a Chinese nationalist led by the Kuomintang (KMT). This causes national damage within the organization, which indirectly causes divisions within Thanh NiÃÆ'ªn. On June 17, 1929, more than 20 delegates from cells throughout the Tonkin region held a conference in Hanoi, where they declared the dissolution of Thanh Nien and the establishment of a new organization called the Communist Party of Indochina (ICP). Another faction of Thanh Nià ± n, based in the central and southern administrative districts of the country, named themselves the Communist Party of Annam at the end of 1929. Both organizations spent the rest of 1929 engaged in polemics against each other in an attempt to gain a hegemonic position over the liberation movement Vietnamese radicals. The third Communist Party of Vietnam emerged around this time, called the Communist League of Indochina (Vietnam: ÃÆ'Â'ng D ngng C Ng Ng s? N LiÃÆ'ªn? OÃÆ'n ), which is not connected with Thanh NiÃÆ'ªn. The Communist League of Indochina has its roots in another national liberation group that has existed in parallel with Thanh NiÃÆ'ªn, and sees itself as its last rival.
The two warring debris from Thanh Nià ± n joined the individual members of the third Marxist group called the Communist Party of Vietnam, founded by H? ChÃÆ' Minh at the "Unity Conference" held in Hong Kong from February 3-7, 1930. At a later conference, the party changed its name to the Communist Party of Indochina (Vietnam: ? ÃÆ'Â'ng Dng C? Ng s? n ?? ng , often abbreviated to ICP). During the first five years of its existence, ICP reached a membership of about 1500 and has many sympathizers. Although the group is small, it has an influence in Vietnam's volatile social climate. Poor harvests in 1929 and 1930 and burdensome debt burden served to radicalize many farmers. In the industrial city of Vinh, May Day demonstrations were organized by ICP activists, who gained critical mass as the families of semi-peasant workers joined the demonstrations to express their dissatisfaction with the economic situation they faced.
When three Labor Day parades grew into mass action, the French colonial authorities moved to stop what they regarded as a dangerous peasant rebellion. Government forces fired on the gathering crowd, killing dozens of participants and setting fire to the population. In response, local councils were organized in villages in an attempt to organize themselves locally. The oppression by the colonial government began in the fall of 1931, and about 1300 people were eventually killed by France and many more were imprisoned or deported because government authorities were restored and the ICP was effectively abolished in the region. Secretary-General Tran Phu and many leaders of the Central Committee were arrested and killed. LÃÆ'ª H? Ng Phong was assigned to the Communist International to restore the movement. The party was restored in 1935, and LÃÆ'ª H? Ng Phong was elected as General Secretary. In 1936, HÃÆ' Huy T? P was appointed Secretary-General rather than LÃÆ'ª H? Ng Phong, who returned to the country to restore the Central Committee.
The Second World War drastically weakened France's grip on Indochina. The fall of France to Nazi Germany in June 1940 and the subsequent French Vichy collaboration with German and Japanese Axis powers serves to delegitimize French sovereign claims. The European war made colonial rule from France impossible and Indochina was occupied by Japanese forces.
At the beginning of the war, the Communist Party of Indochina instructed its members to hide in the countryside as an underground organization. Nevertheless, more than 2,000 party members, including many key leaders, were arrested and arrested. Party activists were badly hit in the southern region of Cochinchina, where a previously robust organization was swept away by arrest and murder. After the uprising in Cochinchina in 1940, most of the leaders of the Central Committee, including Nguyen Van Cu (General Secretary) and HÃÆ' Huy T? P, arrested and killed, and LÃÆ'ª H? Ng Phong deported to CÃÆ''n ?? o and die later. A new party leadership, which includes Tr ng ng Chinh, Ph? M V? N ?? ng, and VÃÆ'Âμ NguyÃÆ'ªn GiÃÆ'¡p appeared. Together with Ho Chi Minh, this will provide a united leadership over the next four decades,
Party leader H? ChÃÆ' Minh returned to Vietnam in February 1941 and established a military organization known as the League for the Independence of Vietnam (Vietnam: Vi V T Nam ?? c L? P ?? ng Minh H? I , commonly called as "Vietminh"). This is the most compromising combat power against the Japanese occupation, and gained popular recognition and legitimacy in an environment that will develop into a political vacuum. Despite its position as the core of the Vietminh organization, the Communist Party of Indochina remained very small during the war years, with an estimated membership of between 2,000 and 3,000 in 1944.
Warning splitting independence (1945-1976)
After the August Revolution (1945) organized by the Viet Minh, H? ChÃÆ' Minh became Chairman of the Provisional Government (Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam) and issued the Proclamation of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Though he assured the Emperor B'o ?? to resign, his government is not recognized by any country. He repeatedly petitioned US President Harry S. Truman to support Vietnam's independence, citing the Atlantic Charter, but Truman did not respond. After the successful takeover of Hanoi, Vietnam was taken over by Chinese nationalist forces and the French military. In response to this, the Communist Party was dissolved and in practice, Vietminh became a member of the great struggle for independence. The organization seems to have been disbanded, but the point is still working. According to the CIA, membership grew to about 400,000 members in 1950. In 1951, during the war of independence, the officially dissolved Communist Party was formally re-established and renamed the Vietnam Workers Party (Vietnam: Lao? ng Vi? t Nam ). The Indochina war against the French forces lasted until 1954 with Vietnam's victory at the Battle? I? N BiÃÆ'ªn Ph?.
At the second Party Congress it was decided that the Communist Party would be divided into three; one party for Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. However, in an official note said that "the Vietnam Party has the right to oversee the activities of his brother's party in Cambodia and Laos." The Cambodian Party, the Khmer People's Revolutionary Party, was founded in April 1951, and the Lao People's Lao People's Revolutionary Party was formed four years later on March 22, 1955. The third Party Congress, held in Hanoi in 1960, formalized the task of building socialism within what at that time was North Vietnam, or the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), and a feast for the liberation of South Vietnam. In 1975, the North Vietnamese Workers Party joined the People's Revolutionary Party of South Vietnam. At the Fourth Party Congress in 1976, the party was given the name of the Communist Party of Vietnam. The party explained that the name change was made on the basis of "the strengthened dictatorship of the proletariat, the development of the working class leadership [...] the peasant alliance."
The ruling party (1976-present)
The fourth Party Congress consists of 1,008 delegates representing 1,553,500 party members, about three percent of the population of Vietnam. A new line for socialist construction was approved at the congress, the Second Five Year Plan (1976-80) was approved and several amendments were made to the party's constitution. The party's new line emphasizes the development of socialism within the country and supports the socialist expansion internationally. The party's economic goal is to build a strong and prosperous socialist state within 20 years. The economic goals set for the Second Five-Year Plan are failing, and between the fourth and fifth Party Congresses, a fierce debate over economic reform takes place. The first was at the sixth Central Committee meeting of the Fourth Party Congress in September 1979, but the most notable took place in the plenary of the Committee of the 10th Center of the Fourth Party Congress which lasted from 9 October to 3 November 1981. The plenary adopted a reformist. line, but was forced to moderate his position when several grassroots party chapters revolted against his resolution. At the fifth Party Congress, held in March 1982, the Secretary-General of LÃÆ'ª Du? N said the party should try to achieve two goals; to build socialism and protect Vietnam from Chinese aggression, but priority is given to socialist constructions. Party leadership recognizes the failure of the Second Five Year Plan, claiming that their failure to understand economic and social conditions exacerbates the country's economic problems. The Third Five-Year Plan (1981-1985) emphasizes the need to improve living conditions and the need for more industrial construction, but agriculture is given top priority. Another point is to remedy shortages in central planning, enhance economic trade relations with COMECON, Laos and Kampuchea countries.
While LÃÆ'ª Du? N continues to believe in the goals set forth in the Third Five-Year Plan, prominent members within the Communist Party lose their confidence in the system. It was in this mood that the 1985 price reform was introduced - market prices introduced, leading to sudden inflationary increases. In 1985, it became clear that the Third Five Year Plan had failed miserably. LÃÆ'ª Du? N died on July 10, 1986, a few months before the Sixth Party Congress. The Politburo meeting held between 25 and 30 August 1986, paved the way for a more radical reform; the new reform movement led by Tr'ng Chinh. At the Sixth Party Congress, Nguy? N V? N Linh was elected as the new Secretary General - this is a victory for the party's old reformist wing. The new leadership elected in Congress will then launch ?? I? I and build a framework for a socialist-oriented market economy. Economic reform begins with the relaxation of state censorship and freedom of expression.
At the seventh party Congress where Nguy n V? N Linh retired from politics, he reaffirmed party and state commitments to socialism. ?? M ?? I managed Nguy? N V? N Linh as Secretary General, VÃÆ'Âμ V? N Ki? T, the leading reformist communist, was appointed Prime Minister and Lêª ?? c Anh, was appointed president. In 1994, four new members were elected to the seventh Politburo, all against radical reforms. At the Central Committee meeting in June 1997, both LÃÆ'ª ?? c Anh and VÃÆ'Âμ V? N Ki? T assert their resignation to the ninth National Assembly, dissolved in September 1997. Phan V? N Kh? I approved as VÃÆ'Âμ V? n ki? t's substitute, and relatively unknown Tr? n ?? c L ?? of successful LÃÆ'ª ?? c Anh as president. At the fourth Central Committee meeting of the Eighth Party Congress, LÃÆ' £ Kh? PhiÃÆ'Âu was elected as General Secretary and ?? M ?? i, LÃÆ'ª ?? c Anh and VÃÆ'Âμ V? N Ki? T officially resigned from politics and elected as Central Committee Advisory Council. NÃÆ''ng ?? c m? Nh replaces LÃÆ' Kh? PhiÃÆ'Âu in 2001 as secretary general. NÃÆ''ng ?? c m? Nh topped the position until the 11th National Congress (held in 2011) and was replaced by Nguy? N PhÃÆ' º Tr? Ng.
Maps Communist Party of Vietnam
Organizations
National Congress
The National Congress is the party's highest organ, and is held every five years. Delegates decided the direction of the party and the Government at the National Congress. The Central Committee was elected, the delegates voted for policies and candidates selected for posting within the leadership of the central party. After the decisions taken at the National Congress were ratified, the congress was dissolved. The Central Committee applies the decisions of the National Congress over a five-year period between the congresses. When the Central Committee is not in session, the Politburo implements the policy of the National Congress.
Central Committee
The Central Committee is the most powerful institution of CPV. It delegates some of its power to the Secretariat and the Politburo when not in session. When the Vietnam War ended in 1975, the Vietnamese leadership, led by LÃÆ'ª Du? N, began to concentrate power. This policy continued until the sixth National Congress, when Nguy n n? N Linh took power. Linh pursued a policy of economic and political decentralization. Party and state bureaucracy oppose Linh's reform initiative; Therefore, Linh tried to win the support of the provincial leaders, which led to the power of the provincial CPV chapter increased in the 1990s. The CPV lost its power to appoint or dismiss provincial officials in the 1990s; VÃÆ'Âμ V? N Ki? T tries to wrestle with this power back to the center during the 1990s with no results. This development leads to the provincial level of the Central Committee; for example, more and more members of the Central Committee have a background in the work of the provincial party.
Because of these changes, power in Vietnam has become increasingly evolved. The number of members of the Central Committee with a provincial background increased from 15.6 percent in 1982 to 41 percent in 2001. The current Vietnamese president, Tr ?? ng T'n Sang, was elected directly from the province at the eighth Party Congress in 1996. Due to the devolution of power, the power of the Central Committee has increased substantially; for example, when two-thirds majority of the Politburo voted in favor of defending LÃÆ'ª Kh? PhiÃÆ'ªu as Secretary General, the Central Committee voted against the Politbiro movement and voted unanimously to remove it from the position of the General Secretary. The Central Committee does this because most of its members have a provincial background, or work in a province. These members were the first to be affected when the economy began to stagnate during LÃÆ'ª Kh? PhiÃÆ'ªu Rules. The Central Committee elects the Politburo after the Party Congress.
General Secretary
The Secretary-General of the Central Committee is the highest office within the Communist Party, elected by the Central Committee, and may remain in the post for two five-year periods. The Secretary-General presides over the work of the Central Committee, the Politburo, the Secretariat, responsible for issues such as defense, security and foreign affairs, and conducts meetings with key leaders. The Secretary-General holds the position of Secretary of the Central Military Commission, the party's supreme military organ.
Politburo
The Politburo is the highest organ of the Communist Party between the meetings of the Central Committee, held twice a year. The Politburo may adopt policies that have been approved by the previous Party Congress or the Central Committee. It is the duty of the Politburo to ensure that the resolutions of the Party Congress and the Central Committee are implemented nationally. It is also responsible for matters relating to organizations and personnel, and has the right to prepare and hold plenary meetings of the Central Committee. The Politburo can be ruled out by the Central Committee, as it did in 2001 when the Politburo voted in favor of defending the LÃÆ'ª Kh? PhiÃÆ'ªu as General Secretary; The Central Committee overruled the Politbiro's decision, dismissed LÃÆ'ª from politics, and forced the Central Committee to elect a new General Secretary after the ninth National Congress.
The members of the Politburo are elected and ranked by the Central Committee immediately after the National Party Congress. According to David Koh, the Politburo rank of the first plenary session of the 10th Central Committee and so on, is based on the number of votes approved by the Central Committee. LÃÆ'ª H? Ng Anh, Minister of Public Security, was ranked second in the 10th Politburo because he received the second highest vote of approval. TÃÆ'Â' Huy R? A ranks lowest because he received the lowest approval vote from the 10th Central Committee when he stood for election for the Politburo. The 11th Politburo was elected by the Central Committee after the 11th National Congress and consisted of 16 members. Decisions in the Politburo are made through collective decision-making.
Since the 10th Central Committee, the duties and responsibilities of the Politburo members and the Secretaries-General, the President, the Prime Minister, the Chief of the National Assembly and members of the Permanent Secretariat are set apart.
Secretariat
The secretariat is headed by the Secretary-General and the decisions in it are made through collective decision-making. The secretariat is selected and the membership size is decided by the Central Committee immediately after the National Congress. It is responsible for solving organizational problems and implementing the demands of the Central Committee. The secretariat oversees the work of the Central Committee Department. It is also responsible for examining and overseeing the implementation of resolutions and directives in areas related to parties in the economic, social, defense, security and abroad fields, and directly responsible for the coordination of a number of party bodies. The secretariat oversees preparations for issues raised at the Politburo meeting.
Central Military Commission
The Central Military Commission is appointed by the Politburo and is a member of the military. The Commission is accountable to the Central Committee and between meetings, the Politburo and the Secretariat. Secretary of the Central Military Commission is the Secretary-General of the party while the post of Deputy Secretary is held by the Minister of National Defense. The Commission may issue guidelines on military and defense policy, and have leadership in all aspects of the military. The General Political Department is under his commission.
Central Inspection Commission
The Central Inspection Commission is a party organ that is responsible for combating corruption, disciplining members and making mistakes in general. It is the only organ within the party that can punish or condemn party members. The Commission, and the chairman and vice chairman, were elected by the first session of the Central Committee after the National Party Congress. Because of the party's policy on democratic centralism, the local inspection commission can only investigate a case if the inspection commission is directly superior to approving the investigation.
Theoretical Central Board
The Central Teoretical Council was established on October 22, 1996 by the decision of the Central Committee. The Central Central Theoretical Council was formed on September 7, 2016, and is presently led by members of the Politburo? Inh Th? Huynh. It serves as an advisory body for the Central Committee, the Politburo and the Secretariat to understand and develop party theory in line with Marxism. They are responsible for studying the topics raised by the Politburo and the Secretariat, and the topics set by their own members.
Ideology
Vietnam is a socialist republic with a one-party system led by the Communist Party. CPV supports Marxism-Leninism and H? ChÃÆ' Minh Thought, the ideology of the final H? ChÃÆ' Minh. Both ideologies serve as guides for party and state activities. According to the Constitution, Vietnam is in a period of transition to socialism. Marxism-Leninism was introduced to Vietnam in the 1920s and 1930s, and Vietnamese culture was led under the banner of patriotism and Marxism-Leninism. H? ChÃÆ' Minh's beliefs were not systematized during his lifetime, or not immediately after his death. Tr ?? ng Chinh in 1973 biography H? emphasizing its revolutionary policy. Thoughts about H? ChÃÆ' Minh has been systematized in 1989 under the leadership of Nguy? N V? N Linh. H? ChÃÆ' Minh Thought and Marxism-Leninism became the official ideology of CPV and state in 1991. CPV's claim to legitimacy was maintained after the collapse of communism in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 by its commitment to the thinking of H? ChÃÆ' Minh, according to Sophie Quinn-Judge. According to Pierre Brocheux, the current state ideology is H? ChÃÆ' Minh Thought, with Marxism-Leninism playing a secondary role. Some claim that H? ChÃÆ' Minh Thought is used as a veil for party leadership that has ceased to believe in communism, but others set it aside on the basis that H? ChÃÆ' Minh is a loyal supporter of Vladimir Lenin and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Still others see H? ChÃÆ' Minh Thought as a political umbrella term whose primary function is to introduce non-socialist ideas and policies without challenging socialist legality.
Since the establishment of the Republic, the key ideology is Marxism-Leninism, but since the introduction of a mixed economy in the late 1980s and 1990s, it has lost its ideological and moral legitimacy of monopoly. Because of the "I" reform, the party can not base its power solely on the defense of workers and peasants, officially referred to as "alliances of class-workers". In the constitution introduced in 1992, the State represents "workers, peasants and intellectuals". In recent years, the party has ceased to represent a particular class, but rather the "interests of the whole people", which includes businessmen. The last class barrier was removed in 2006, when party members were allowed to engage in private activities. In dealing with the de-emphasizing role of Marxism-Leninism, the party has gained wider ideology, putting more emphasis on nationalism, developmentalism and becoming a protector of tradition.
Character of a new social regime formed in H? ChÃÆ' Minh's mind through, first of all, the method of changing the features of the old regime into the reverse aspect. It is a dialectical method of thinking. According to this method, the process of formulating a people's democratic regime is in fact considered a process of removing the fundamental features of a comprehensive feudal regime.
According to H? ChÃÆ' Minh, before becoming a socialist, society must evolve through national liberation and the development of the people's democratic regime. While national liberation is a means of taking power, the establishment of a popular democratic regime demands the total annihilation of feudal, colonialist and imperialist societies. Only through this destruction can Vietnam transit to socialism. Lai Quoc Khanh, a journalist in the theoretical Communist Review wrote: "People's democracy regime is an objective need in the course of development of Vietnamese society". However, the people's democratic regime is not a socialist regime. For example, in the private ownership of a democratic regime the people still exist, while in the stage of communist or socialist development, ownership does not exist. Communist Vietnam consider the distribution of land during H? The early reign of ChÃÆ' Minh as an example of people's democracy.
However, this is not the only difference. The logic is the difference in production ownership leading to various modes of production. H? ChÃÆ' Minh said that the basic economic principles of the people's democratic regime is the state ownership of a certain segment of production - considered socialist because the state belongs to the people, the cooperative, the semi-socialist in nature but will develop into a fully socialist economic entity, and the personal economy from individual handicrafts and peasants, which will then develop into co-operatives, private capitalism and state capitalism, in which the state shares capital with the capitalist to further develop the country. Since these economic fundamentals depend on different types of ownership, the democratic regime's economic economy can not be considered socialist, therefore the regime is not socialist. For example, in a socialist-oriented market economy, the state-owned sector would be the dominant sector, so the socialist character of the economy dominates. The political platform of the second Party Congress held in 1951 stated: "The people's democratic revolution is not the old capitalist democratic revolution nor the socialist revolution; it is a new type of democratic revolution that will evolve into a socialist revolution without undergoing a revolution. To be more specific, the people's democratic regime is a substance in capitalist development. While H? ChÃÆ' Minh supported the position that Vietnam had entered the transition stage towards socialism in 1954, holding the belief that Vietnam is still a "democratic regime in which the people are their masters" rather than socialists. To reach the stage of socialist development, the development of the state sector is the most important - the shortcomings that, according to H? ChÃÆ' Minh will cause failure. The platform of the 11th National Congress held in January 2011 states: "It is a profound and deep revolutionary process and a complicated struggle between the old and the new for qualitative change in all aspects of social life It is important to undergo a long period of transition with some development steps and some mixed social and economic structures ".
According to the Secretary-General of the party Nguy? N PhÃÆ'º Tr? Ng, during the transition to socialism, socialist factors of development compete with non-socialist factors, which include capitalist factors. Nguy n said: "Together with the positive aspect, there will always be negative aspects and challenges that need to be considered wisely and dealt with in a timely and effective way.This is a difficult struggle that requires passion, fresh vision, and creativity.The way to socialism is a a process that constantly consolidates and reinforces socialist factors to make them more dominant and irreversible. "Success will depend on the right policy, political spirit, leadership capacity, and combat power of the Party."
There has never been any scientific and revolutionary theory like Marxism-Leninism. It is a 'comprehensive and logical theory that gives people a total worldview' and a theory that not only aims to 'understand the world, but also change it'. [...] Capitalism will surely be replaced by socialism, because it is the law of human history, which no one can deny.
The Communist Party believes that socialism is superior to the ideology and systems of other countries. According to Marxism-Leninism, socialism is the second to the last stage of socio-economic development prior to pure communism. To build a socialist society, the communists must imagine, describe and study society. The Party believes that socialism leads to human liberation from every situation, exploitation and oppressive injustice. While the founders of Marxism-Leninism predicted the main characteristics of socialist society, the founders were not considered by the party to hold the whole truth. The main outline of this ideology is upheld by the party - that is, a superior and more advanced social mode:
- The ultimate goal of socialism is to liberate people from every pairs of economic exploitation and enslavement of the spirit, enabling comprehensive human development.
- The facilities of socialism are the forces produced by modern advanced production.
- Socialism is the gradual elimination of private property and capitalism and changes in the means of production.
- Socialism creates a new workers 'and workers' organization form with discipline and high productivity.
- Socialism means the application of each principle according to its contribution.
- State socialism is a new type of democracy, reflecting the nature of the working class and representing the interests, strengths and wills of the people who work.
- In a socialist society, the relationship between class and ethnicity will be resolved through a combination of international solidarity and class - nationalism will be replaced by internationalism.
Socialist-oriented market economy
The socialist-oriented market economy is neither socialist nor capitalist, but is socialist-oriented. The Communist Party rejects the view that the market economy must be capitalist. According to the party, "socialist-market-oriented economy is a multi-sectoral commodity economy, operating in accordance with market mechanisms and socialist orientation". According to Nguy? N PhÃÆ'º Tr? Ng, "[i] t is a new type of market economy in the history of the development of market economy.This is a type of economic organization that adheres to the rules of market economy but is based on, led by, and governed by the principles and properties socialism is reflected in its three aspects - ownership, organization, and distribution - for the purpose of prosperous people in a strong state characterized by democracy, justice and civilization ". There are various forms of ownership in a socialist-oriented market economy. The economic sector operates in accordance with the law and equals under the law for the sake of coexistence, cooperation and fair competition. Nguy? N PhÃÆ'º Tr? Ng said:
The state's economy plays a key role; the collective economy continues to be consolidated and developed; the private economy is one of the driving forces of the collective economy; dual ownership, especially joint-stock companies, are encouraged; countries and collective economies provide a strong foundation for the national economy. The distribution relationship ensures equity, creates momentum for growth, and operates a distribution mechanism based on employment, economic efficiency, contribution by other resources, and distribution through social security and welfare systems. The State manages the economy through laws, strategies, plans, policies, and mechanisms to direct, regulate, and stimulate socio-economic development.
Unlike in capitalist countries, a socialist-oriented market economy does not "wait for the economy to reach a high level of development before applying social progress and justice, or 'sacrifice' social progress and justice to pursue mere economic growth." Policies are applied only to improve people's lives.
The role of classical Marxism
The classical Marxist text still plays an important role in the development of the Communist Party ideology. The Communist Manifesto , written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is considered an "eternal work". According to the party, the true value of the Communist Manifesto is not that it can provide an answer to present a revolutionary problem, but it does explain the gradual liberation of the working class and the workers. It serves as the basis for the most fundamental theoretical beliefs held by the party. According to TÃÆ'Â' Huy R? A, currently a member of the 11th Politburo: "By participating in the process of globalization complete with opportunities and challenges, as predicted by Marx and Engels in the Manifesto , the Communist Party of Vietnam and the people will further discover guidelines for world-valued worldviews and methodologies.The ongoing values ​​of enduring theoretical work and the political platform will remain forever.â € Tr? NB? Ch ?? ng wrote:
The reality of Vietnam after the revolution is different from what I imagined when I joined the party... Ã, Life has shown us that it is much more complicated. The problem is, we accept Marxism in the theoretical sense, not in the full sense, and the information is not very precise. Marxism came to Vietnam through the interpretations of Stalin and Mao. It is simplified for the most part. And now we read the classical works of Marx and the other founders, and we find that things are not that simple. Although the social conditions in which Marx wrote his works are not the same as they are today, the principle is the same. But those principles are not interpreted correctly.
Inter-party relations
In the resolution of the 10th National Party Congress, it was decided to renovate and strengthen the party's foreign policy. In 2010, the Central Committee's External Relations Commission has good relations with 222 political parties in 115 countries. According to the party, this is "an important contribution to accelerate the process of renovation, industrialization and modernization of Vietnam". The Party not only has foreign relations with the communist parties; relations with non-communist parties have been established because their country is economically important for Vietnam. Relations with the communist party and other workers are essential, and are built on "solidarity, friendship, mutual support in the struggle for socialism in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism and pure internationalism of the working class." It exchanges views with such parties on the theoretical and practical issues concerning socialist construction, party building and current issues. CPV is active in meetings of communist parties and international workers, such as the International Communist Party and Workers' Meeting.
CPV currently maintains links with more than 100 communist parties and workers. The party has emphasized the importance of relations with the Lao People's Liberation Party and the Cambodian People's Party. He also maintained good relations with the Chinese Communist Party, the Cuban Communist Party, and the Korean Labor Party. CPV sent a delegation to the 8th Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in 2008, the 5th Congress of the Italian Communist Party in 2008, the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India in 2008, the 9th Communist Party of India (Marxis) in 2008, -18 The Communist Party of Greece in 2009, the 9th Congress of the Danish Communist Party in 2009, the 18th Congress of the Spanish Communist Party in 2009, the 8th Congress of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxis -Leninist) in 2009, 12 Brazilian Communist Party in 2009 and the Peruvian Communist Party in 2010.
CPV also maintains friendly relations with left-wing Latin American political parties. The CPV delegation participated in the 22nd Meeting of Foro de SÃÆ'Â o o Paulo in El Salvador in June 2016.
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References
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See also
- Human rights in Vietnam
External links
- The official English-language website of the Vietnamese Communist Party
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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