Khudai Khidmatgar (Pashto: ????? ??????? ?) is literally translated as < the servants of God, representing the nonviolent struggle against the United Kingdom by Pashtun (also known as Pathans, Pakhtun or Afghan) from the British Indian North-West Frontier Province (now in Pakistan).
Also called the "Surkh Posh" or the "Red Shirt", initially the social reform organization focused on education and the abolition of bloodshed known as Anjuman-e-Islah-e Afghani (society for Afghan reform). The movement was led by Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, locally known as Bacha Khan or Badshah Khan.
Gradually becoming more political as targeted by British Raj, in 1929 his leadership was exiled from the province and a large number were captured. Seeking allies, approaching the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress, was rejected by the former in 1929 the movement formally joined the congress party. Due to pressure in India, the British government finally released Bacha Khan and lifted restrictions on the movement. As part of the Government of India Act of 1935, the limited franchise for the first time was introduced in the North West Frontier Province. In the next election, Bacha Khan's brother Dr.Khan Sahib was elected as Chief Minister.
Khudai Khidmatgar's movement faced another crackdown for its role in the Quit Movement of India after 1940, during that period began to face the rising opposition of the Muslim League in the province. His congressional affiliation won the 1946 election again.
Khudai Khidmatgars strongly opposed the request of the Indian Muslim League for the Indian partition. When the Indian National Congress declared its acceptance of a share plan without consultation with the Khudai Khidmatgar leaders, Bacha Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar's leader, felt very sad and told Congress "You have thrown us to the wolf." In June 1947, the Khudai Khidmatgars declared the Bannu Resolution, demanding that Pashtun be given the option of having an independent Pashtunistan state all Pashtun regions in British India, instead of being made to join Pakistan. However, British Raj refused to comply with this resolution request. After the partition, Khidai Khidmatgars faced the reaction of the new Pakistani government. The Khudai Khidmatgars government was dismissed and their movements were forbidden.
Video Khudai Khidmatgar
Pre-movement conditions
At the beginning of the 20th century Pashtuns were colonized, stagnant, violent, exhausted by enmity, inequality, factionalism, poor social cooperation, and ignorance. Education opportunities are very limited. Pashtuns are Muslims; and religious leaders and Mullahs are known to have told parents that if their children went to school they would go to hell. Khan states that "the real purpose of this propaganda" is to keep Pashtuns "illiterate and uneducated", and therefore his people "are India's most backward" in relation to education. He also stated that by the time Islam reached its people centuries before, it had lost many of its original spiritual messages.
Maps Khudai Khidmatgar
Origins
Formed from the Society for Pashtun Reform (Anjuman-e-Islah-e-Afghans), initially targeted social reforms and launched a campaign against prostitution. Bacha Khan as its founder seems to be influenced by the realization that whenever British troops are confronted with armed insurrection they end up always overcoming insurrection. The same can not be said when using nonviolence against troops.
The movement began before the Qissa Khwani bazaar massacre, when demonstrations of hundreds of non-violent supporters were fired on by British troops in Peshawar. The lowest point and ultimately dissipated after Pakistan's independence in 1947, when Muslim League Chairman Abdul Qayyum Khan banned the movement and launched brutal action against its members, culminating in the Babra massacre. At its peak, the KK movement consisted of nearly 100,000 members.
Genesis
Initially this movement focuses on social reform as a means to improve Pashtun's status against the British. Ghaffar Khan established several reform movements before the establishment of the Khudai Khidmatgar, Anjumen-e Islah ul-Afghan in 1921, Anjuman-e Zamidaran farmer organization in 1927 and youth movement of Pashtun Jirga in 1927. Attempting to disseminate more awareness about Pashtun Abdul's issue Ghaffar Khan founded the Pakhtun magazine in May 1928. Finally in March 1930, almost on the night the Qissa Khwani Bazaar Massacre, Khudai Khidmatgar was formed.
"Kaos Merah"
Khan withdrew his first recruit from young people who graduated from his school. Trained and uniformed, they serve behind their officers and lodge into villages in search of new members. They started by wearing a simple white overshirt, but the white was soon littered. Some men have their t-shirts dyed on local tanning, and the red brick proves to be a breakthrough, it is a distinctive color that makes Khudigar khudmatgar activist named "Red T-shirt" or "Surkh posh . Another reason for the choice of red is the symbolic adherence of the anti-colonial movement to the revolutionary and socialist discourse.
Structure
Volunteers who take oaths form a platoon with the ruling commander and learn basic military discipline. The volunteers have their own flags: red at the beginning, then tri-colors and bands: bagpipes and drums. The men wore red uniforms and black women. They have exercises, badges, flags, an entire military hierarchy and even a bagpipe corps.
Khan formed a network of committees called jirgas, named and modeled after traditional tribal councils. Villages are grouped into larger groups, accountable to the district committees. Province Deprivation is the highest authority.
Officers in the ranks were not elected, because Khan wanted to avoid the fighting. He appointed a salar-e-azam or commander-in-chief, who in turn appointed officers to serve under him. Other ranks include Jarnails (General). The army was completely voluntary; even officers give their services for free. Women are also recruited, and play an important role in the upcoming struggle.
Volunteers go to villages and open schools, help job projects, and maintain order at public meetings. From time to time they drill labor camps and perform military-style parade to the hills.
Ideology
Under the influence of Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the movement advocated nonviolent protests and justified their actions through the Islamic context. Khan does not find Islam and non-violence as incompatible. Nonetheless, the movement was in fact non-sectarian. In more than one occasion when Hindus and Sikhs were attacked in Peshawar, Khidmatgar members helped protect their lives and property.
"The Holy Prophet Muhammad came to this world and taught us' That person is a Muslim who never hurt anyone with words or deeds, but who works for the good and happiness of God's creatures." Trust in God is to love fellow human beings. " - Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
"There is nothing surprising in a Muslim or a Pathan like me who follow the non-violent creed - it is not a new belief, it was followed fourteen hundred years ago by the Prophet all the time he was in Mecca."/i> - Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan
Service Pledge Khudai
- Example 1
- In the Name of Present and Proper God, I Khudai Khitmatgar.
- I will serve the nation without personal interest.
- I will not take vengeance (badla) and my actions will not be a burden to anyone.
- My actions will be nonviolent.
- I will make every sacrifice requested from me to stay on this line.
- I will serve people regardless of their religion or beliefs.
- I will use the made-up goods.
- I will not be tempted by any office.
- Example 2
In the presence of God I sincerely affirm that:
- I hereby honestly and sincerely offer myself to register as Khudai Khitmatgar.
- I will always be ready to sacrifice my personal comfort, property, and even life itself to serve the nation and to achieve the freedom of my country.
- I will not participate in a faction, or be at odds with or against anybody. I will always protect the oppressed against oppressive tyranny.
- I will not be a member of any other organization, and will not provide security or a gentle apology for non-violent fighting.
- I will always obey every lawful order from my boss.
- I will always live up to the principles of nonviolence.
- I will serve all mankind equally. The main object of my life is the attainment of full independence and freedom of religion.
- I will always observe the truth and parity in all my actions.
- I expect no rewards for my services.
- All my services must be dedicated to God, they should not be ranked or for show.
Khudai Khidigar Oath
- I am a Servant of the Lord, and because God does not need service, serving His creation is serving Him,
- I promise to serve mankind in the name of God.
- I promise not to commit violence and take revenge.
- I promise to forgive those who oppress me or treat me with cruelty.
- I promise to refrain from taking part in hostilities and quarrels and from creating enmity.
- I promise to treat every Pasthun as my brother and friend.
- I promise to refrain from antisocial habits and practices.
- I promise to live modestly, practice virtue, and refrain from evil.
- I promise to practice good behavior and good behavior and not live an idle life.
- I promise to devote at least two hours a day to social work.
- I put my name in honesty and truth to be the true Servant of God.
- I will sacrifice my wealth, my life, and my comfort for the freedom of my nation and people.
- I will never be a party of faction, hatred, or jealousy with my people; and will side with the oppressed against the oppressor.
- I will not be a member of any other competing organization, nor will I be a soldier.
- I will faithfully comply with all official orders of all my officers at all times.
- I will live according to the principles of nonviolence.
- I will serve all of God's creation; and my goal is the achievement of my country's freedom and my religion.
- I will always make sure I do what is right and good.
- I will never want anything in return for my services.
- All my efforts are pleasing to God, and not to any event or gain.
Khudai Khidmatgar National Anthem
British Raj tactics against Khudai Khidmatgar
British troops use various tactics against KK activists.
"The British once tortured us, threw us into the pool in winter, shaved our beards, but even then Badshah Khan told his followers not to lose patience, saying 'there is an answer to violence, which is more violent, but no one can conquer nonviolence, you can not kill him, stand still, England send their horses and cars to run over us, but i take my scarf in the mouth so as not to scream, we are human, but we can not cry or express in any way that we wounded or weak. "- Musharraf Din (Baldauf).
Another tactic used against nonviolent protesters blocking roads is to charge them with cars and horses.
In 1930, the soldiers of Garhwal Rifles refused to fire on nonviolent protests led by Khudai Khidmatgars in Peshawar. By disobeying direct orders, the regiment sent a clear message to London that the loyalty of Indian armed forces could not be taken for granted. However, in 1931, 5,000 members of Khudai Khidmatgar and 2,000 members of the Congress Party were arrested. This was followed by the shooting of unarmed demonstrators in Utmanzai and the Takkar Massacre followed by the Hathikhel massacre.
In 1932, Khudai Khidmatgar's movement changed his tactics and involved women in the movement. Many of the helpless Indian officers working in the region as in the Indian conservative period are considered a great insult to attack women, more so in the conservative Pashtun community. But the brutality increased and in one case five police officers in Benares had to be suspended for "a terrible report about violence used against young female volunteers".
Britain bombed a village in the Bajaur Valley in March 1932 and arrested Abdul Ghaffar Khan and more than 4,000 Khitmatgars Khudmat. The British bombing in the border area continued until 1936-1937 because, "India is a field of training for active military training that can not be found elsewhere in the Empire", a British court concluded in 1933.
Other tactics that are supposed to range from poisoning to the use of the castration against some Khudai Khidmatgar activists.
After the anti-war resignation from the Department of Drugs Khan in 1939 due to the events of World War 2, the British tactics of the movement changed to use divide-and-rule tactics through the push of sectarian and communal tensions over brutal force. Governor George Cunningham's policy note on September 23, 1942, calls on the government to 'continually preach the dangers to Muslims struggling with a revolutionary Hindu body. Most tribes seem to respond to this ', while in other newspapers he commented on the period 1939-1943:' Our propaganda since the beginning of the war has been most successful. It has been played throughout the Islamic theme. '
Relationship with the Indian National Congress
The movement was under intense pressure in 1930 and leadership under Ghaffar Khan actively sought political allies in India to help ease pressure on it by British authorities. Earlier in December 1928, Barrister Muhammad Jan Abbasi invited Bacha Khan to attend the Khilafat conference. The sessions ended badly with Maulana Shaukat Ali almost assaulted by one member of the Punjab.
Despite the initial closeness between Ghaffar Khan and Ali, the harshness of their criticism of Gandhi contrasts with the patience shown by Gandhi in the eyes of Ghaffar Khan. Another attempt was made by senior KK leaders to approach Sir Fazli Hussain, a senior Punjabi leader from the Unionist party who appealed for help against the suppressed persecution.
Congress then offered all possible assistance to the Pathans in exchange for their side to join the Congress party for the struggle for independence. The offer was filed in Frontier province, and was accepted by Khudai Kidmatgars in August 1931. The move shocked the British government forced to reduce pressure on the COW.
From mass movement to political party
Furthermore, with the introduction of provincial autonomy under the Indian Government Act of 1935, the first limited election was held at NWFP in 1936. Ghaffar Khan was banned from the province. His brother, Dr. Khan Sahib, led the party to a narrow victory and became Chief Minister. Ghaffar Khan returned to Peshawar with a victory on August 29, 1937 on what the Peshawar daily called the Khyber Mail was the most beautiful day of his life. During the two-year assignment of the Congress party under Dr. Khan Sahib as Chief Minister, major reforms were introduced including land reform, promotion of Pashto teachings and the release of political prisoners.
At a ministry directive Congress in eight of the eleven provinces resigned in protest against Indian independence that did not promise India after the War. The decision to resign was an important moment in Indian history, in Frontier it was crucial in providing groups opposed to the Khudai Khidmatgar movement, an opportunity to expand their constituency.
Subhash Chandra Bose
The role of KK activists in helping to escape Subhash Chandra Bose in 1943 has largely been ignored to date. In 1943, Amir Khan Khattak along with four others received Subhash Chandra Bose at Nowshera Railway Station. He came to flee to Nazi Germany through Afghanistan. Posing as a Muslim, Subhash was taken to the village of Khattak, Dak Ismailkhel, at the request of Mian Akbar Shah from Faqir Chand's home in Peshawar. He stayed with him for two days before going off in Pashtun outfits for the German Embassy in Kabul leading to his journey to Germany and finally Japan. Ali Haider Ali from the Afghan National Bank, helps Bose contact Kabul authorities and with travel plans.
Conservative backlash
The more liberal movement faces an escalating counterattack of conservatives because of its support for the Congress party amid growing support for the Pakistani movement. Dr. Khan Sahib to support his daughter's marriage with a Sikh soldier causing some senior colleagues from Bacha Khan to leave.
Likewise, his son Ghani Khan's criticism of the feudal landlords infuriated many "Khans" and conservative Nawabs, who had previously sympathized with the movement.
This coincides with the efforts set by the British Raj to discredit the movement with the help of mullahs and ulama allied with the British. The British governor, Cunningham, instructed the great clans to meet each mullah individually and ask him to serve the 'cause of Islam' which he would pay. The Mullahs are told that in terms of good progress they will also be considered for government pensions. Cunningham's policy note on September 23, 1942 reads: 'Constantly preaching danger to Muslims struggling with a revolutionary Hindu body. Most tribes seem to respond to this ', while in other newspapers he says of the period 1939-43:' Our propaganda since the beginning of the war has been most successful. It has been played throughout the Islamic theme.
Khudai Khidmatgar Fall
The decline of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement can be traced back to the first two decisions was the decision of Congress in 1939 to resign from power in protest against British World War II policy. This move provides an opportunity for the Muslim League to flourish and for British authorities to change their strategy.
In 1940, the split occurred within Pakhtun Zalmey, a youth organization affiliated with Khachmat Khidmatgar's Bacha Khan movement. It came after Bacha Khan refused to accept the 1940 party internal election results where Salar Aslam Khan of Kohat won the contest as president of Pakhtun Zalmey with a large majority. Bacha Khan's refusal to accept Salaar Aslam caused major damage to the party in the southern district of the province where Khudai Khidmatgars won all the chairs of provincial councils and national assemblies in previous elections. Aslam Salar is also a member of the Forward Block and Bacha Khan's argument is that he can not trust anyone except his eldest son, Ghani Khan, whom he wants to lead Pakhtun Zalmey. "It was a mistake from Bacha Khan, he was not happy with his decision, but had to argue that at the sensitive stage of the political struggle he could only trust Ghani Khan.
The party also faces efforts by British Raj to discredit it by describing it as a non-religious group trying to promote the pro-Hindu and pro-communist agenda. Despite these efforts, political wing movements were contested and won the 1946 provincial elections.
An exception to the non-violent rule occurred when the son of Badshah Khan Ghani Khan on 26/27 April 1947 founded a separating group, Zalmai Pukhtoon (Pashtun Youth), a militant organization, Pukhtoon's youth, carrying firearms, whose purpose was to protect the Khudai Khidmatgars ) and members of the Congress Party from the feared violence in the hands of Muslim League activists. It has nothing to do with the Khudai Khidmatgars.
Nehru's decisive visit to Frontier in October 1946 and its tragic result in the gradual erosion of the popular base of the ruling Khan Sahib Ministry. Nevertheless, this movement remained true for non-communal tendencies, when Khudai Khitmatgar came out to protect thousands of Sikhs and Hindus worried they would be attacked in the escalating pre-partition violence between Hindus and Muslims.
Post Partition
Pakistan's independence in August 1947 marks the beginning of the end of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement. While the ruling Congress remained silent, it was eventually dismissed by the Governor under the order of Pakistan's founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Dr. Khan Sahib was replaced by former congressman Abdul Qayyum Khan. He successfully stopped the recovery effort between Ghaffar Khan and Muhammad Ali Jinnah by halting the planned meeting between two security threats. Thus, Jinnah gave Qayyum Khan the freedom to deal with Congress and the Khudmatgars Khudai. The hard action followed culminated with the slaughter of Babra Sharif.
Despite the provocation and ambivalence of Pakistan's creed, the Khudai Khidmatgar leaders reunited at Sardaryab on September 3 and 4, 1947 and issued a resolution stating, "Khudai Khidmagars regarded Pakistan as their own country and promised that they would do their best to strengthen and maintain his interests and make every sacrifice for that purpose, The sacking of Dr. Khan Sahib's ministry and the establishment of the service of Abdul Qaiyum is not democratic, but since our country passes a critical stage, the Khudai Khidmatgars will not take steps that might create difficulties in either the Provincial or Central Government, After the division of the Khudai Khidmatgars state broke their ties with the All-India Congress organization and, therefore, instead of the Tricolor, adopted the Red Flag as their party symbol. "
You have thrown us (Khudai Khidmatgar) to the wolf.
However, Qayyum Khan and the central government have decided that there will be no deal with the movement. The Khudai Khidmatgar organization was declared unlawful in mid-September 1948, the mass arrest followed and the center of Sardaryab (Markaz-e-Khudai Khidmatgaran), built in 1942, destroyed by the Provincial Government. This hard action eventually led to the slaughter of Babra Sharif.
The movement was also hit by defections because party members shifted from fear or for profit. Members who want to survive politically united behind former allies, turned against Qayyum Khan, Pir of Manki Sharif. The Pir created the breakaway Muslim League, however, it proved unsuitable for Qayyum who re-engineered the reelection in 1951.
The movement continued until 1955, when it was again banned by the central government for Ghaffar Khan's opposition to Unit One. The canceled attempt was made to bring Ghaffar Khan into government as minister and alter the movement of KK into national organization, but Ghaffar Khan rejected the offer.
Although the ban was lifted in 1972, the Khudai Khidmatgar movement was violated.
Criticism
Khudai Khidmatgar's movement succeeded in his opposition to British rule. However, the social effects of the movement did not last. While the Ghaffar Khan family maintains a grip on the political philosophy of the movement, its history has largely been removed from official memory in Pakistan. The movement was also criticized for its divisive opposition, and by virtue it was the creation of Pakistan.
As a result, this has been seen as a separatist movement in Pakistan, and in the 1950s and 1960s it was also considered a pro communist, an argument used by conservative elements to discredit him as anti-Islam. Claims for total nonviolent movements also appear to be flawed; some critics argue that while the movement proved successful against the British, like other nonviolent movements would not prove successful against other Imperial powers. This is evidenced by his failure to pose a challenge to the Pakistani government amidst a much more brutal crackdown than the British did. Others also point out that the Khudai Khidmatgar movement is not as violent as its supporters support it. Authors such as Schofiled and Bannerjee have documented cases of attacks on British personnel and soldiers.
See also
- Bacha Khan
- Mirzali Khan
- Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum Khan
- Khilafat Movement
- The Rules of Border Crime
- Khan Roshan khan
- Qazi Ataullah Khan
- Federal Tribal Territories
- National Awami Party
- The Pakistan Movement
- List of scholars and non-violent leaders
- Soldiers Without Violence of Islam (book)
References
Note
- Baldauf, Scott Khudai Khidmatgar Christian Science Monitor [3]
- Banerjee, Mukulika (2000). Pathan Unarmed: Opposition & amp; Memory at the Northwest Frontier. School of American Research Press. ISBN: 0-933452-68-3
- Eknath Easwaran (1999). The non-violent army of Islam: Ghaffar Khan: a man to match his mountains (see article). Nilgiri Press, Tomales, CA. ISBNÃ, 1-888314-00-1
- Khan, Behroz (July 2004) A journey in history. News. Jang Group. Available online at [4]
- Rashid, Haroonur (2005) The Pathan History. Volume 2 p 573
- Taizi, Sher Zaman. (2002) Bacha Khan in Afghanistan: A Memoir. Asian Reflection.
- Babar, Aneela, (May 29, 2006) About Doing Pakhtunwali. The Post.
- Khan, Abdul K. 1997. "Khudai Kidmatgar (Servant of God)/Movement of the Red Shirts in the North West Frontier Province of British India, 1927-47." Ph.D. Diss., History. University of Hawaii.
- Michel, Thomas S.J. (June 2004) Can not We Like Abdul Ghaffar Khan? The importance of Abdul Ghaffar Khan in the recent history of peace activism is the institution of the importance of discipline in peacemakers.
- Talbot, Ian (March 1, 1989) Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: Growing Muslim League in North-West and North-East India 1937-47
External links
- Khudai Khidmatgar
- Pashto Code
- Ghani Khan (Poet and Ghaffar Khan's son); Interviews, movies, and sound recordings
- Interview with Ghaffar Khan
- Pervez Khan: Remembering Baacha Khan: memory of his bravery forever
- Rajmohan Gandhi: Mohandas Gandhi, Abdul Ghaffar Khan and the Middle East today
- Rajmohan Gandhi: Badshah Khan and our times
- Khan's victory will
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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