The Spanish liberation war of Spain was a number of wars against Spanish rule in the United States of Spain with the aim of political independence that occurred during the early 19th century, after the French invasion of Spain during the Napoleonic Wars of Europe.
These conflicts began in 1809 with a short-lived junta government established in Chuquisaca and Quito against the rule of the Junta Agung in Sevilla. In 1810, many new juntas appeared throughout Spain in America when the central junta fell into the French invasion. Although various regions in Spanish America have objected to many crown policies, "there is little interest in independent independence, there is indeed widespread support for the Spanish junta formed to lead the resistance against France." While some Spanish Americans believe that independence is necessary, most of which initially supported the formation of a new government see them as a means to preserve the regional autonomy of France. Over the next decade, political instability in Spain and the absolute restoration under Ferdinand VII convinced many Spanish Americans of the need to formally establish independence from the mother country.
These conflicts are championed both as irregular warfare and conventional warfare, and as a war of national liberation and civil war. The conflict between the colony and with Spain eventually resulted in a chain of newly independent states stretching from Argentina and Chile in the south to Mexico in the north in the first third of the 19th century. Cuba and Puerto Rico remained under Spanish rule until the Spanish-American War in 1898. The new republics from the beginning abolished the formal system of racial classification and hierarchy, the caste system, the Inquisition, and the noble titles. Slavery was not abolished immediately but ended in all new countries in a quarter of a century. Criollos (people of Spanish descent born in the New World) and mestizos (people of mixed blood or culture of India and Spain) replaced Spanish-born people in most political governments. Criollos remains above the social structure that retains some of its traditional cultural features, if not legally. For almost a century afterward, conservatives and liberals have struggled to retreat or to deepen the social and political changes that the rebellions escape.
The events in Latin America are related to the war of independence in the former French colony of St-Domingue, Haiti, and the transition to independence in Brazil. Brazil's independence, in particular, shared the same starting point with Latin America as both conflicts were triggered by the Napoleonic invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, which forced the Portuguese royal family to flee to Brazil in 1807. Latin American independence took its place in the general political and intellectual climate which emerged from the Age of Enlightenment and which affected all of the Atlantic Revolution, including previous revolutions in the United States and France. The more direct cause of the Latin American war of independence is the unique development that took place in the Spanish Empire and the monarchy during this era.
Video Spanish American wars of independence
Konteks historis
Political independence is not always a conquered outcome of the political turmoil in Latin America. "There is little interest in direct independence." As historian R.A. Humphreys and John Lynch noted, "it is too easy to equate the power of dissatisfaction or even the power of change with the power of the revolution." Because "by definition, there is no history of independence until it happens," because Spanish American independence did occur, an explanation for why it happened has been sought.
There are a number of factors that have been identified. First, increasing control by the Crown of his overseas kingdom through the Bourbon Reformation in the mid-eighteenth century introduced a change in the relations of the Spanish Americans with the Crown. The language used to describe the overseas kingdom shifted from the "kingdom" by standing independently with the crown to a subordinate "colony" to Spain. In an effort to better control the administration and the economy of property abroad, the Crown reintroduces the practice of appointing outsiders, almost all of the Peninsula, to the imperial office throughout the empire. This means that the Spanish American elite is thwarted in their hopes and ambitions by the rising crowns of old practices of creole access to the offices.
The regalist and secular policy of the Bourbon monarchy was intended to reduce the strength of the Roman Catholic Church. The Crown had expelled the Jesuits in 1767, who saw many members of the Creole from the Society of Jesus go into permanent exile. Then in the eighteenth century the crown tried to reduce the privileges of the clerics, limiting the authority of the clergy to spiritual matters and undermining the power of the parish priest, who often acts as the agent of the crown in the parish countryside. With the desalcation of power and a frontal attack on the clergy, the crown, according to William B. Taylor, undermines its own legitimacy, since the parish priest is traditionally a "natural local representative of their Catholic monarch."
In the economic field, the crown seeks to gain control of the church's income. In a financial crisis of 1804, the crown tried to summon in debt to the church, especially in the form of a mortgage for the hacienda owned by the elites. The Consolidation Act simultaneously threatens the wealth of the church, whose capital is primarily lent to mortgages, and threatens the financial welfare of the elites, who depend on mortgages to acquire and defend their land. Shortening the pay period means many elites are faced with bankruptcy. The crown also seeks to gain access to elite families of benefits set aside to support a priest, often a member of their own family, by eliminating the grant of capellanÃÆ'as ) that the lesser priests depend on disproportionately. Prominently in Mexico, the lesser priests participated in the rebellion for independence with priests Miguel Hidalgo and Josà © MarÃÆ'a Morelos.
Reforms have mixed results. In some areas - such as Cuba, RÃÆ'o de la Plata and New Spain - the reforms have a positive effect, improving the local economy and government efficiency. Elsewhere, changes in the economic and administrative policies of the crown caused tension with the local population, which sometimes erupted into open uprisings, such as the Revolt of the Comuneros in New Granada and the TÃÆ'ºpac Amaru II Uprising in Peru.
The loss of high office to Criollos and the eighteenth century revolt in Spanish South America was the direct cause of the war of independence, which occurred several decades later, but they have been considered an important element of the political background in which the war took place..
Other factors may include Enlightenment thought and examples of the Atlantic Revolution. Enlightenment spurred a desire for social and economic reform to spread throughout Spanish America and the Iberian Peninsula. Ideas about free trade and the physiocratic economy were awakened by the Enlightenment in Spain and spread to the foreign empire and the Spanish American Enlightenment home. Political reform was implemented and many constitutions written both in Spain and throughout the Spanish world during the independence war were influenced by these factors.
The creation of a new ruling institutions in Spain and America, 1808-1810
The collapse of the Bourbon dynasty
The Peninsula War is the trigger of conflict in Latin America in the absence of a legitimate king. The Peninsular War started a period of long instability in the Spanish monarchy around the world that lasted until 1823. Napoleon's capture of the Bourbon monarchy sparked a political crisis in Spain and Spain. Although the Spanish world almost uniformly rejects Napoleon's plan to place his brother, Joseph, on the throne, there is no clear solution to the lack of a king. Following the traditional Spanish political theory of the contractual nature of the monarchy (see Francisco SuÃÆ'¡rez's Legal Philosophy), the peninsula province responded to the crisis by forming the junta. But the move has caused more confusion, as there is no central authority and most junta does not recognize the claims of some juntas to represent the monarch as a whole. The Junta of Seville, in particular, claimed authority over the overseas kingdom, because of the province's historic role as the exclusive entrepreneur of the empire.
This impasse was resolved through negotiations between several juntas in Spain calculated with the participation of the Castile Council, which led to the formation of the main government: the "Junta Agung and the Junta Government of Spain and the Indies" on 25 September 1808 It was agreed that the peninsula empire would send two representatives to the Supreme Junta , and that the overseas kingdoms will send one representative each. These kingdoms are defined as "viceroyalties of New Spain (Mexico), Peru, New Granada, and Buenos Aires, and the independent independent captains of Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Chile, the Province of Venezuela and the Philippines." provide unequal representation to Spanish Americans; Nevertheless, throughout the late 1808 and early 1809, the regional capitals voted for candidates, whose names were passed on to the capital of the viceroyalties or general captains. Several major and important cities were left without direct representation in the Junta Agung. In particular, Quito and Chuquisaca, who see themselves as the capital of the kingdom, feel uncomfortable because they belong to the greater Viceroyalty of Peru. This unrest led to the formation of the junta in the cities in 1809, which was eventually canceled by authorities this year. The failed attempt to build the junta in New Spain was also stopped.
Spanish institutional revolution
The escape to CÃÆ'¡diz and the abolition of the Supreme Junta on 29 January 1810, due to a reversal he suffered after the Battle of Ocaà ± a by Spanish troops paid with Spanish American money, triggered another wave of junta established. in the Americas. French troops have taken over southern Spain and forced the Great Junta to seek refuge in the city-town of CÃÆ'¡diz.
The Junta Agung replaced him with a smaller five-person council, called the Regency, or the Council of the Regions of Spain and the Indies. Furthermore, in order to establish a more legitimate system of government, the Regency called for the holding of "Extraordinary and Common Cuban Caste": "CÃÆ'¡diz Cortes". Plans for the election of Cortes, by province, rather than empire, are fairer and give more time to determine what will be regarded as a foreign province. CÃÆ'¡diz Cortes is the first national assembly to claim sovereignty in Spain. It represents the abolition of the old kingdoms. The opening session was held on 24 September 1810, in a building now known as the real Teatro de las Cortes under the siege of the French army. It meets as one body and its members represent the entire kingdom of Spain.
Response in Spanish America
Most Spanish Americans see no reason to recognize the government of a family that is under threat of being captured by France at any time, and begin work for the creation of a local junta to defend the territorial independence from France. The Junta Movement succeeded in New Granada (Colombia), Venezuela, Chile and RÃÆ'o de la Plata (Argentina). Less successful, despite the serious movements, also occur in Central America. In the end, Central America, along with most of New Spain, Quito (Ecuador), Peru, Upper Peru (Bolivia), the Caribbean and the Philippine Islands remain in control of the royalists over the next decade and participate in the Spanish Cortes efforts to form a liberal government for the Spanish Monarchy.
Maps Spanish American wars of independence
Civil war for disputed sovereignty, 1810-14
The creation of the junta in Spanish America, such as Junta Suprema de Caracas on April 19, 1810, set the stage for the battles that will engulf the region for the next one and a half decades. The lines of political error appear, and often the cause of military conflict. On one hand the junta challenges the authority of all royalty officials, whether they recognize the Regency or not. On the other hand, royal and Spanish Americans who wanted to keep the empire together divided between liberals, who supported Cortes's efforts, and conservatives (often called "absolutists" in historiography), who did not want to see innovation in government. Finally, although the junta claimed to carry out their actions on behalf of the ousted king, Ferdinand VII, their creations provide an opportunity for people who like direct independence to promote their agenda publicly and securely. Pro-independence supporters call themselves patriots, a term ultimately applied to them.
The notion that independence is not an early concern is evidenced by the fact that some regions declared independence in the years after 1810. The Venezuelan and New Granada congresses did so in 1811 and also Paraguay in the same year (14 and 15 May 1811). Some historians describe the reluctance to declare independence as "Ferdinand VII's mask": that is, that patriot leaders feel that they need to claim loyalty to the overthrown king in order to prepare the masses for radical change that eventually full independence will entail. Nevertheless, even regions like RÃÆ'o de la Plata and Chile, which more or less maintained the de facto independence of the penitentiary authority, did not declare independence until several years later, in 1816 and 1818, respectively. Altogether, despite achieving formal independence or de facto, many areas of Latin America are characterized by an almost continuous civil war, which went well into the 1820s. In Mexico, where the junta movement has been halted at an early stage by a coalition of peninsula traders and government officials, efforts to form an independent government of the District or France take a form of rebellion, under the leadership of Miguel Hidalgo. Hidalgo was arrested and executed in 1811, but the resistance movement continued, which declared independence from Spain in 1813. In Central America, efforts to build the junta were also lowered, but resulted in far less violence. The Caribbean Islands, like the Philippines on the other side of the world, are relatively peaceful. Any plot to regulate the junta is condemned to authorities early enough to stop them before they gain widespread support.
Big city and regional competition
Major cities and regional rivalries played an important role in the war. The loss of central authority, the empire - and in some cases even local authorities, viceregal (as in the cases of New Granada and RÃÆ'o de la Plata) - began a prolonged period of balkanization in many areas of Latin America. It is unclear which political units should replace the empire, and there is no new national identity to replace the traditional feelings of the Spaniards. The original junta of 1810, first appealed to the feeling of being a Spaniard, contrary to the French threat; secondly, for the common American identity, as opposed to the lost Peninsula to France; and third, the sense of owning big cities or provinces, patria in Spanish. More often than not, the junta seeks to defend provincial independence from the capital of the former viceroyalty or captain generals as much as from the Peninsula itself. Armed conflict broke out between provinces over the question of whether some city or province should be subordinate to others because they have been under the crown. This phenomenon is very clear in South America. This competition also caused some regions to adopt political reasons that were opposed to those chosen by their rivals. Peru seems to remain a strong royalist in large part due to its rivalry with RÃÆ'o de la Plata, who had lost control of Upper Peru when the latter was appointed to viceroyalty in 1776. The creation of the junta in RÃÆ'o de la Plata allowed Peru to regain official control over Peruvian Upper during the war.
Social and racial tension
The underlying social and racial tensions also have a major impact on the nature of the battle. The rural areas were pitted against the urban centers, as complaints against the authorities found a way out in political conflicts. This is the case with the Hidalgo peasant rebellion, fueled by dissatisfaction over several years of bad harvest as is the case in the Peninsula War. Hidalgo was originally part of a liberal urbanist circle in QuerÃÆ'Â © taro, who tried to found the junta. After this conspiracy was discovered, Hidalgo turned to the rural people of Bajag Mexico to build his army, and their interests soon overshadowed the city's intellectuals. A similar tension occurred in Venezuela, where Spanish immigrants José TomÃÆ'¡s Boves formed a powerful, though irregular, royal army out of Llaneros, mixed race slaves and plain people, attacking people White skin. land ownership class. Boves and his followers often ignored the orders of the Spanish officials and were not concerned with actually rebuilding the overthrown royal government, instead choosing to maintain a real power among themselves. Finally, in Peru's republican state, the republiquetas maintained the idea of ​​freedom of life by allying with members of rural communities and indigenous groups who had lost their rights, but had never been able to take large population centers.
An increasingly violent confrontation developed between the Spanish and Spanish Americans, but this tension is often associated with class problems or driven by patriot leaders to create a new sense of nationalism. After being incited to exclude the country from the gachupines (disdainful term for Peninsulares ), Hidalgo forces indiscriminately massacred hundreds of Criollos and Peninsulares who had taken refuge in AlhÃÆ'³ndiga de Granaditas in Guanajuato. In Venezuela during his Admirable Campaign, SimÃÆ'³n BolÃÆ'var instituted a policy of war to death, where the American descendants of the Spanish kingdom would be deliberately saved but even neutral Peninsulares would be killed, to move an incision between the two groups. This policy laid the groundwork for a cruel royalist reaction under Boves. Often though, royalism or patriotism only provides banners to manage the disadvantaged, and political causes can be removed as quickly as they are taken. Venezuela Llaneros switched to patriot banners after the elite and downtown became a safe empire after 1815, and it was a royal army in Mexico that ultimately brought the nation's independence.
The King's War against independence, 1814-20
In 1815, the general outline of territories controlled by royalists and pro-independence forces was established and a common dead end established in the war. In areas where the royalists controlled the major population centers, most of the fighting by those seeking independence was done by isolated guerrilla groups. In New Spain, two major guerrilla groups are led by Guadalupe Victoria in Puebla and Vicente Guerrero in Oaxaca. In northern South America, Granadan Baru and Venezuelan patriots, under leaders such as SimÃÆ'³n BolÃÆ'var, Francisco de Paula Santander, Santiago MariÃÆ'Â ± o, Manuel Piar and JosÃÆ'Â © Antonio PÃÆ'¡ez, campaigned in the vast Orinoco River valley and along the Caribbean Coast, often with the help of material from CuraÃÆ'§ao and Haiti. Also, as noted above, in Upper Peru, the guerrilla group controls a remote part of the country.
Ferdinand VII Recovery
In March 1814, following the collapse of the First French Empire, Ferdinand VII was restored to the Spanish throne. This signifies an important change, since most political and legal changes are taking place on both sides of the Atlantic - a myriad of juntas, Cortes in Spain and several congresses in America, and many new constitutions and laws - have been made on its behalf. Before entering the territory of Spain, Ferdinand made loose promises to Cortes that he would uphold the Spanish Constitution. However in Spain he realized that he had significant support from conservatives in the general population and hierarchy of the Spanish Catholic Church; so, on May 4, he rejected the Constitution and ordered the arrest of liberal leaders on 10 May. Ferdinand justifies his actions by stating that the Constitution and other amendments have been made by Cortes who was collected in his absence and without his consent. He returned the codes of law and political institutions beforehand and promised to hold a new Cortes under his traditional form (with separate rooms for the clergy and nobles), a promise that was never fulfilled. News of the event arrived through the Spanish States over the next three weeks to nine months, depending on the time it takes the goods and people to travel from Spain.
Ferdinand's acts are a definitive de facto that broke out both with autonomous governments, which have not yet declared formal independence, and with the efforts of Spanish liberals to create a representative government that would entirely include overseas ownership. Such a government is seen as an alternative to independence by many people in New Spain, Central America, the Caribbean, Quito, Peru, Upper Peru, and Chile. But news of the "ancien rà ©  © gime" recovery did not start a new wave of junta, as happened in 1809 and 1810, with the exception of the junta's establishment in Cuzco demanding the adoption of the Spanish Constitution. In contrast, most of the Spanish Americans are moderates who decide to wait and see what will come out of the normal recovery. In fact, in the areas of New Spain, Central America, and Quito, the governors felt it was necessary to leave the elected constitution ayuntamientos in place for several years to prevent conflicts with local communities. Liberals on both sides of the Atlantic, however, continued to conspire to restore a constitutional monarchy, which eventually succeeded in 1820. The most dramatic example of transatlantic collaboration was the expedition of Francisco Javier Mina to Texas and northern Mexico in 1816 and 1817.
Spanish Americans in royal areas committed to independence have joined the guerrilla movements. However, Ferdinand's actions did set the area beyond the crown control on the road to full independence. The governments of these areas, whose origins in the 1810 and even moderate juntas there, who have entertained reconciliation with the king, now see the need to secede from Spain if they are to protect the reforms they have adopted.
Royal army
During this period, the royal troops made progress to New Granada, which they controlled from 1815 to 1819, and to Chile, which they controlled from 1814 to 1817. Except for the royal areas of the northeast and south, the provinces of New Granada have maintained independence. from Spain since 1810, unlike neighboring Venezuela, where the royalists and pro-independence forces have exchanged control several times. To calm Venezuela and recapture New Granada, Spain organized in 1815 the largest army ever sent to the New World, comprising 10,500 troops and nearly sixty ships. (See, Spanish reconquest of New Granada.) Although this power was essential in recapturing strong pro-independence territories such as New Granada, its army eventually spread throughout Venezuela, New Granada, Quito, and Peru and disappeared due to tropical diseases, its impact on war. More importantly, the majority of the royal forces comprise, not soldiers sent from the peninsula, but from Spanish Americans.
Overall, Europe only makes up about a tenth of the royalist troops in Spanish America, and only about half of the expedition units, once they are deployed in America. As every victim of the European army was replaced by the Spanish army, over time, there were more Spanish American troops in the expedition unit. For example, Pablo Morillo, the supreme commander of an expeditionary force sent to South America, reported that he had only 2,000 European troops under his command in 1820; in other words, only half of its expedition troops are from Europe. It is estimated that in the Battle of MaipÃÆ'º only a quarter of the royal army is the European army, in the Battle of Carabobo about one fifth, and in the Battle of Ayacucho less than 1% is Europe.
The American militia reflects the racial makeup of the locals. For example, in 1820 the royal army in Venezuela had 843 whites ( espaÃÆ' Â ± ol ), 5,378 Casta and 980 Native soldiers.
Pro-independence progress
Toward the end of this period the pro-independence forces made two important advances. In Southern Cone, a veteran Spanish soldier with experience in the Peninsula War, JosÃÆ'Â © de San MartÃÆ'n, became governor of the Province of Cuyo. He used this position to begin organizing troops as early as 1814 in preparation for the Chilean invasion. This is an important change in strategy after three United Provinces campaigns have been defeated in Upper Peru. The San MartÃn Army became the core of the Andean Army, which received significant political and material support in 1816 when Juan MartÃÆ'n de PueyrredÃÆ'³n became the Supreme Provincial Director of the United States. In January 1817, San MartÃÆ'n was finally ready to advance against the royalists in Chile. Ignoring orders from the RÃÆ'o de la Plata congress not to move against Chile, San MartÃÆ'n along with Gen. Bernardo O'Higgins Riquelme, then Chief Director of Chile, led the Army over the Andes in a move that turned the tables on the royalists. On February 10, San MartÃÆ'n took control of northern and central Chile, and a year later, after a quarterless war, in the south. With the help of a fleet under the command of former British naval officer Thomas Cochrane, Chile was secured from the control of the empire and independence declared that year. San MartÃÆ'n and his allies spent the next two years planning the Peru invasion, which began in 1820.
In the northern part of South America, after several unsuccessful campaigns take Caracas and other urban centers in Venezuela, SimÃÆ'³n BolÃÆ'var a similar plan in 1819 to cross the Andes and liberate New Granada of the royalists. Like San MartÃÆ'n, BolÃÆ'var personally made efforts to create troops to attack neighboring countries, collaborate with pro-independence people from the region, and get no approval from the Venezuelan congress. However, unlike San MartÃÆ'n, BolÃÆ'var not have professionally trained soldiers, but a combination of a fast of insurgents Llanero , the New Granadan exile led by Santander and British recruits. From June to July 1819, using the rainy season as cover, BolÃÆ'var led forces across the floodplain and the path is cool and creepy from the Andes, with a huge loss - a quarter of the Legion of England died, and many of his soldiers Llanero , which is not ready for a height of nearly 4,000 meters - but the gamble pays off. In August BolÃÆ'var took control of BogotÃÆ'¡ and his treasury, and gained the support of many in New Granada, who still hated the harsh conquests made under Morillo. Nevertheless, Santander felt it necessary to continue the "war to death" policy and execute thirty-eight royal officials who had surrendered. With resources from New Granada, Bolegar became the undisputed leader of the patriots in Venezuela and organized the unity of two territories in a new country called Colombia (Gran Colombia).
Consolidated independence, 1820-33
To counter the progress made by pro-independence forces in South America, Spain set up a second large troop, an expeditionary force in 1819. However, the troops never left Spain. On the contrary, it becomes a means by which liberals can finally restore the constitutional regime. On January 1, 1820, Rafael Riego, commander of the Asturias Battalion, led a rebellion in troops, demanding the return of the Constitution of 1812. His troops marched through the cities of Andalusia in the hope of expanding the rebellion to civilians, but the locals were mostly unconcerned. The uprising, however, occurred in Galicia in northern Spain, and from there quickly spread across the country. On March 7, the royal court in Madrid was surrounded by soldiers under the command of General Francisco Ballesteros, and three days later, on March 10, the besieged Ferdinand VII, now a virtual prisoner, agreed to restore the Constitution.
The Riego Rebellion had two significant effects on the war in America. Militarily, a large number of relief troops, mainly needed to reclaim New Granada and retain the Viceroyalty of Peru, will never arrive. Moreover, as the royalist situation became more and more desperate in the region, the army suffered a wholesale defection of units to the patriot side. Politically, the development of the liberal regime changed the conditions under which the Spanish government tried to involve the rebels. The new government naively assumed that the rebels were fighting for Spanish liberalism and that the Spanish Constitution could still be the basis of reconciliation between the two parties. The government implements the Constitution and conducts elections in overseas provinces, such as in Spain. It also ordered the military commander to start negotiating a ceasefire with the rebels with the promise that they could participate in a restored representative government.
New Spain and Central America
As a result, the Spanish Constitution of 1812 adopted by Cortes de Cadiz served as a basis for independence in New Spain and Central America, since in both regions it was a coalition of conservative and liberal royalist leaders who led the formation of new states. The restoration of Spain's Constitution and representative government was enthusiastically welcomed in New Spain and Central America. Elections were held, local government was formed and deputies sent to Cortes. Among liberals, there is concern that the new regime will not survive; and conservatives and the Church fear that the new liberal government will expand its reform and anti-clerical legislation. This climate of instability creates conditions for both sides to form an alliance. The alliance united towards the end of the year 1820 behind AgustÃÆ'n de Iturbide, a colonel in the royal army, who at the time was assigned to destroy the guerrilla forces headed by Vicente Guerrero.
In January 1821, Iturbide began a peaceful negotiation with Guerrero, suggesting they unite to establish an independent New Spain. The simple term proposed by Iturbide became the basis of the Iguala Plan: the independence of New Spain (now called the Mexican Empire) with Ferdinand VII or other Bourbons as emperors; retention of the Catholic Church as the official religion of the state and the protection of its privileges; and the equality of all New Spaniards, either immigrants or native births. The following month another important guerrilla leader, Guadalupe Victoria, joined the alliance, and on March 1, Iturbide was proclaimed as the head of the new Three Assurance Army. Representative of the new Spanish government, Superior Political Chief Juan O'DonojÃÆ'º, who succeeded the previous king, arrived in Veracruz on 1 July 1821, but found that the royalists held the whole country except Veracruz, Mexico City and Acapulco. Since at the time O'DonojÃÆ'º left Spain, Cortes considers expanding the autonomy of Spanish ownership abroad, O'DonojÃÆ'º proposes to negotiate an agreement with Iturbide under the terms of the Iguala Plan. Agreements resulting from CÃÆ'³rdoba, signed on August 24, make all existing laws, including the 1812 Constitution, in effect until a new constitution for Mexico can be written. O'DonojÃÆ'ººº became part of the interim government junta until his death on 8 October. Both the Spanish Cortes and Ferdinand VII rejected the CÃÆ'³rdoba Agreement, and the final break with the mother country came on May 19, 1822, when the Mexican Congress was awarded the throne in Itrubide.
Central America gained its independence along with the New Spain. On September 15, 1821, an Independence Deed was signed in Guatemala City which declared Central America (Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica) independent of Spain. The regional elites supported the terms of the Iguala Plan and regulated Central American unity with the Mexican Empire in 1821. Two years later, after the fall of Iturbide, the region, with the exception of Chiapas, peacefully seceded from Mexico on July 1, 1823, Federal Republic of Central America. The new state existed for seventeen years, centrifugal forces attracted separate provinces in 1840.
South America
Unlike in New Spain and Central America, independence in South America was sparked by pro-independence fighters who have survived the past half decade. JosÃÆ' © de San MartÃÆ'n and SimÃÆ'³n BolÃÆ'var inadvertently led the continental movement of the continents of southern and southern South America that liberated most of the Latin American countries on the continent. After securing Chile's independence in 1818, San MartÃÆ'n concentrated on building a naval fleet in the Pacific to counter Spanish control over the waters and reach the royal fortress of Lima. By mid 1820 San MartÃÆ'n had collected a fleet of eight warships and sixteen transport vessels under the command of Admiral Cochrane. The fleet sailed from ValparaÃÆ'so to Paracas in southern Peru. On September 7, soldiers landed in Paracas and seized Pisco. After this, San MartÃÆ'n, awaiting a Peruvian uprising, chose to avoid direct military confrontation. San MartÃÆ'n hopes that his presence will embark on an authentic Peruvian uprising against the Spanish government, believing that otherwise, any deliverance will be for a moment. Meanwhile, San MartÃÆ'n was involved in diplomacy with Viceroy JoaquÃÆ'n de la Pezuela, who was under orders from the constitutional government to negotiate on the grounds of the Constitution of 1812 and to defend the unity of the Spanish Monarchy. However, this effort did not work, because the independence and unity of the monarchy can not be reconciled, so the army sailed in late October to a better strategic position in Huacho, in northern Peru. Over the next few months, successful land and naval campaigns against the royalists secured a new foothold, and in Huacho San Martà © n learned that Guayaquil (in Ecuador) declared independence on 9 October.
BolÃÆ'var, learning about the collapse of the CÃÆ'¡diz expedition, spent the 1820s preparing for a liberation campaign in Venezuela. BolÃÆ'var was aided by Spain's new policy to seek engagement with the rebels, which Morillo carried out, disengaged himself from the commander, and returned to Spain. Although BolÃÆ'var rejected Spain's proposal that the patriots rejoin Spain under the Spanish Constitution, the two sides formed a six-month ceasefire and regularized rules of engagement under the law of states on November 25 and 26. The ceasefire did not last six months. It is clear to all that the cause of royalists has been severely weakened by the lack of reinforcements. Royal troops and entire units began to leave or defect to the patriots in large numbers. On January 28, 1821, ayuntamiento from Maracaibo declared this province an independent republic that chose to join the new nation-state of Gran Colombia. Miguel de la Torre, who replaced Morillo as the army chief, considered this a violation of the ceasefire, and although the republicanists argued that Maracaibo had moved from his own will, the two sides began to prepare for a new war. The fate of Venezuela was sealed when Boleg returned there in April leading 7,000 troops from New Granada. At the Battle of Carabobo on 24 June, the Colombian Gran forces convincingly defeated the royalist forces, guaranteeing Venezuela's control to save Puerto Cabello and guarantee Venezuela's independence. BolÃÆ'var can now concentrate on claims of Gran Colombia to the south of New Granada and Quito.
In Peru, on 29 January 1821, Viceroy Pezuela was overthrown in a coup by JosÃÆ' © de la Serna, but it would be two months before San Martà © n moved his forces closer to Lima by sailing to Ancanc. Over the next few months, San MartÃÆ'n once again engaged in negotiations, offering the establishment of an independent monarch; but La Serna insisted on the unity of the Spanish monarchy, so the negotiations did not yield anything. In July La Serna considered his power in Lima to be weak, and on July 8 the royal army left the coastal city to strengthen its position on the plateau, with Cuzco as the new capital of viceroyalty. On the 12th San MartÃÆ'n entered Lima, where he was declared "Patron of the State" on July 28, an office which allowed him to rule a newly independent state.
To ensure that the Quito Presidency became part of Gran Colombia and did not remain a collection of small and divided republics, BolÃÆ'var sent aid in the form of supplies and soldiers under Antonio José © de Sucre to Guayaquil in February 1821. For the year Sucre could not take Quito, and in November both sides, exhausted, signed a ninety-day truce. The following year, at the Battle of Pichincha on May 24, 1822, Venezuelan forces Sucre finally conquered Quito; The grip of Gran Colombia in the area is safe. The following year, after the Peruvian patriots were destroyed in the Battle of Ica, San MartÃÆ'n met with SimÃÆ'³n BolÃÆ'var in Guayaquil on 26 and 27 July. After that San MartÃÆ'n decided to retire from the scene. For the next two years, two soldiers of Rioplatense (Argentina), Chile, Colombia and Peru patriots were destroyed by attempting to penetrate the royal fortress in the Andean region of Peru and Upper Peru. A year later the Peruvian congress decided to set up a patriotic army chief in the country. The internal conflict between La Serna and General Pedro Antonio OlaÃÆ' Â ± eta, which was an extension of the Liberal Triennium, proved to be the failure of the royalists. La Serna lost control of its best half-troop in early 1824, giving the patriots an opportunity.
Under the command of Bolegar and Sucre, experienced joint veterans, especially Colombians, destroyed the royalist troops under the command of La Serna in the Battle of Ayacucho on December 9, 1824. La Serna's army was numerically superior but comprised of most members new. The only royal area remaining on the continent is the Upper Peru plateau. After the Battle of Ayacucho, Peruvian Upper royalist troops under the command of OlaÃÆ' Â ± eta surrendered after he died at Tumusla on 2 April 1825. Bolvar tends to support maintaining Upper Peru union with Peru, but Peruvian top leaders - many ex-kingdoms, such as Casimiro OlaÃÆ' Â ± eta, the nephew of General OlaÃÆ' Â ± eta - gathered in a congress under the support of Sucre in support of the country's independence. BolÃÆ'var leaves the decision to Sucre, who goes along with the congress. Sucre proclaims Peru's Upper independence in the city that now takes its name on August 6, bringing the ultimate war of independence to an end.
When it became clear that there was no reversal of American independence, some new nations began to receive international recognition. Early, in 1822, the United States recognized Chile, the United States of RÃÆ'o de la Plata, Peru, Gran Colombia, and Mexico. Britain waited until 1825, after the Battle of Ayacucho, to recognize Mexico, Gran Colombia, and RÃÆ'o de la Plata. Both countries recognize more Spanish American countries in the next few years.
The last royalist fort
Spain's coastal fortress in Veracruz, Callao and ChiloÃÆ'Â © is a foothold that lasted until 1825 and 1826. In the ensuing decades, the royal guerrillas continued to operate in several countries and Spain launched several attempts to reclaim parts of mainland Latin America. In 1827 Colonel JosÃÆ'Â © Arizabalo started an irregular war with Venezuelan guerrillas, and Brigadier Isidro Barradas led the last effort with regular troops to recapture Mexico in 1829. The Pincheira brothers moved to Patagonia and remained there as royalist villains until defeated at in 1832. But such efforts do not reverse the new political situation.
The increasing irrelevance of the Holy Alliance after 1825 and the fall of the Bourbon dynasty in France in 1830 during the July Revolution abolished the main support of Ferdinand VII in Europe, but it was not until the death of the king in 1833 that Spain finally abandoned all military conquest plans, and in 1836 his government went further to renounce sovereignty over the entire American continent. During the 19th century, Spain will recognize each new country. Only Cuba and Puerto Rico remained under Spanish rule, until the Spanish-American War in 1898.
Effect independence
Economy
Nearly one and a half decades of war has weakened Latin American economies and political institutions, which hampered the region's potential economic development for much of the nineteenth century and resulted in the eternal instability experienced by the region. Independence destroyed the de facto trade bloc which was the Spanish Empire - Galleon Manila and the Spanish treasure fleet in particular. After independence, trade between Latin American countries was less than in the colonial period. Once the bond is broken, the small populations of most new countries provide little incentive to attract Latin American producers to recreate old trading patterns. In addition, the protection of European competition, which has been provided by the Spanish monopoly for the sectors of the manufacturing economy, ends. Due to its usefulness, the protective tariffs for these sectors, especially textile production, are permanently declining and overseas imports outperform local production. This greatly affects the Indigenous community, which in many parts of Spain America, specializes in the supply of finished products to the urban market, although using pre-industrial techniques. The war also greatly affected the region's major economic sector, mining. Silver production in Bolivia split in two after independence and down three quarters in Mexico. Cities that depend on seaborne trade like Valdivia fall into depression when intracolonial trading systems collapse.
Foreign trade policies vary among new countries, some like the United States Province RÃÆ'o de la Plata and Peru initially implementing protectionist policies while Chile is more open to foreign trade while still applying some sort of neomercantilism.
To compensate for the lack of capital, foreign investment - particularly from the United Kingdom - is seduced, but not large enough to start an economic recovery. Eventually new countries entered the world economy after the end of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, as the economies of Europe and the United States recovered and aggressively searched for new markets to sell their products after more than two decades of disruption. In the end Spain can only connect America to the world market as an exporter of raw materials and consumers of finished products.
Society
In addition to improving the economy, lower social classes must also be integrated into new political bodies, although they often receive multiple awards from independence. The political debate seeking answers to these questions is characterized by clashes - on the battlefield - between liberalism and conservatism. Conservatives seek to maintain traditional social structures to ensure stability; liberals seek to create more dynamic societies and economies by ending ethnic-based social differences and liberating property from economic restrictions. In its efforts to change society, liberals often adopt a policy not accepted by the Indigenous community, which benefits from the unique protection afforded to them by traditional Spanish law.
Independence, however, initiated the abolition of slavery in Spanish America, as it was seen as part of the struggle for independence, since many slaves had gained their release by joining the patriot army. In areas where slavery is not the main source of labor (Mexico, Central America, Chile), emancipation takes place as soon as independence is achieved. In areas where slavery is the main source of labor (Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, Argentina), emancipation is carried out in steps over the next three decades, usually first with the creation of a law and a free utility program for compensatory emancipation. In the early 1850s, slavery was abolished in the independent states of Spanish America.
Female role
Women were not just spectators during the Latin American War of Independence. Many women sided with political issues and joined the independence movement to participate at various levels. Women can not help but act as caring relatives either as mothers, sisters, wives or daughters of the fighters. Women create political organizations and organize meetings and groups to donate food and supplies to the soldiers.
Some women support the war as spies, informers and combatants. Manuela SÃÆ'¡enz is a long-term lover of SimÃÆ'³n BolÃÆ'var and acts as his spy and confidant and archivist secretary. He saved his life twice, took care of wounded soldiers and even believed some historians had fought in multiple battles. SÃÆ'¡enz followed BolÃÆ'var and his troops through the war of independence and became known in Latin America as "the mother of feminism and the emancipation of women and of equal rights." BolÃÆ'var itself is a supporter of women's rights and suffrage in Latin America. It was BolÃÆ'var that allowed SÃÆ'¡enz to be a great pioneer of women's freedom. He wants to organize the Latin American women free from the oppression and low self-esteem of what the Spanish regime has established. BolÃÆ'var even made SÃÆ'¡enz a Colonel of the Colombian Army due to his heroism which caused controversy because there were no women in the army at the time. Another famous woman in the struggle for independence was Juana Azurduy de Padilla, a mixed race woman who fought for independence in the region of RÃÆ'o de la Plata. Argentine President Cristina FernÃÆ'¡ndez de Kirchner posthumously promoted him to the rank of general.
According to gender stereotypes, women are not meant to be soldiers; only men should be involved in combat and conflict. There are still many women present on the battlefield to help save and take care of soldiers. Some women fought with their husbands and sons on the battlefield. The majority of women take supportive and non-competitive roles such as fundraising and caring for the sick. Revolution for women means something different than men. Women see the revolution as a way to gain equal rights, such as choosing, and to address the oppression of women's subordination to men. Women were usually identified as victims during the war of independence because women in Latin America were forced to sacrifice for the cause. Female ideals mean that women have to sacrifice what a situation needs like a mother sacrificing her son or a virgin who knows that she may sacrifice a mother or marriage because of the loss of many young men. This view means that women are meant to contribute to independence in a supportive role while leaving the fighting and politics in the hands of men.
Government and politics
Independence also does not produce a stable political regime, except in some countries. First, the new states do not have a well-defined identity, but the process of creating a new identity begins. This will be done through newspapers and the creation of national symbols, including new names for countries ("Mexico", "Colombia", "Ecuador", "Bolivia", "Argentina"), which are broken with the past. Moreover, boundaries are not fixed firmly, and the struggle between federalism and centralism, which begins with independence, continues throughout the rest of the century. The two great states emerging from the wars - Gran Colombia and Central American Federal Republic - collapsed after a decade or two, and Argentina would not be politically consolidated until the 1860s.
The war destroyed the old civil bureaucracy that had ruled this region for centuries, as institutions like audiencias were eliminated and many Peninsular officials fled to Spain. The Catholic Church, which had become an important social and political institution during the colonial period, initially came out weakened at the end of the conflict. Like many government officials, many bishops of the Peninsula abandoned their dioceses and their posts were not filled for decades until new bishops could be formed and relations between new countries and the Vatican were regulated. Then when the Church recovers, its economic and political power is attacked by liberals.
Despite the fact that the period of independence war itself was marked by the rapid expansion of representative government, as some new nineteenth-century countries were characterized by militarism because of the lack of well-defined political and national institutions. The troops and officers who emerged during the independence process wanted to ensure that they were rewarded after the struggle was over. Many of these troops did not completely disperse after the war and they proved to be one of the stabler institutions in the first decade of national existence. These soldiers and their leaders effectively influence the course of political development. From this new tradition comes caudillos, a powerful man who gathers their formal, informal and political political and economic power.
Overview
War, battle and rebellion
Pro-independent
Royalists
See also
References
Further reading
Foreign engagement
Historiography
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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